Proletarians of all countries, unite!
Celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution with People’s War until communism!
The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR)
constitutes the highest milestone in the history of the class struggle of the
proletariat. This year marks 50 years from its initiation in 1966 and within
the context of the 50th anniversary, the communist parties and
organizations that sign this declaration consider it fundamental take a stand
on this great event. The GPCR is principally a political revolution, and given
its significance, it must mobilize every communist and revolutionary to
propagandise it in a bold and determined way. But this is not enough, at the
same time, it is necessary to develop a sharp struggle against revisionism and
all opportunism which is aiming to present the GPCR as separated from the
current problems of the ICM.
The lessons from the GPCR demand a
clear demarcation and brand the revisionists who are trying to haggle with it,
generate confusion and catch gullibles. We need to see clearly that the
revisionist and capitulationist line in Peru – today with an own organization
PCP/MOVADEF and the clique of José in VRAE –, the avakianism with its absurdity
of the “new synthesis”, prachandism and its “socialism of the 21th century” and
its “multiparty competition”, among other dreadful expressions of the new
revisionism, trying to portray Chairman Mao into an ordinary liberal and
reinterpret the GPCR as an event without validity and revolutionary sharpness.
Their vile lies smash into pieces by the strategic offensive of the proletarian
world revolution and the campaign for Maoism we are developing. Instead, the
international proletariat, full of communist pride, hoisting its undamaged red flag,
to higher peaks, is going to advance in a tireless struggle towards the
classless society, the communist society. Hoist, defend and apply Maoism!
On the international situation and class struggle
The current international situation would be incomprehensible
without the theory of class struggle and its development by Maoism. Only
through this theory we understand that the fundamental contradictions of this
epoch are the ones between oppressed nations and imperialism, between
proletariat and bourgeoisie and inter-imperialists contradictions, that today
the contradiction between socialism and capitalism exists only in the
ideological and historical field and that the main contradiction is between
oppressed nations and imperialism; that imperialism comprises the powers and
super-powers that develop through collusion and rivalry, and the oppressed
countries, the Third World, are the loot of the struggle for the distribution
of the world, at the same time they are the base of the world revolution and
revolutionary storm centres; that the revolution is the main political and
historical tendency; and that the proletarian world revolution is in its third
phase, the strategic offensive, an epoch of the ‘next 50 to 100 years’, in
which imperialism is decaying further and will be completely swept away by the
proletarian world revolution through the world people’s war, a process that was
initiated by the new great wave of the proletarian world revolution.
In the relation to this understanding of the three fundamental
contradictions in the current world – a decisive issue which is negated by the
new revisionism – about which the main struggles of Marxism and revisionism are
taking place.
Lenin teaches: “The economic relationships of
imperialism constitute the basis of the existing international situation. The
history of the XX Century has been defined completely by this new phase of
capitalism, its last and highest phase”; and that the world’s division
between oppressed nations and oppressing nations is a distinct characteristic
of imperialism. Therefore, to understand the current situation we cannot start
from the fundamental contradiction of capitalism, since we are in its superior
and last phase, imperialism.
One of the laws of class struggle is violence, exacerbated
in the epoch of imperialism, since imperialism is war and political reaction
all along the line. The imperialist oppression transforms the oppressed nations
into areas of distribution, meaning in economic territories turned into
colonies or semi-colonies of one or another imperialist power or super-power.
The imperialists strive for the partition of those countries and the new
distribution to reconfigure the map of the so-called Greater Middle East
through the war of aggression, in the midst of a sharp conflict for maintaining
their hegemony and the search for a way out of its profound economic crisis.
The civil war in Syria is an expression of this law.
The events in the so-called Middle East represent an
oddly assorted accumulation of indecipherable facts without perspective,
without the important tool of analysis and transformation, which is the theory
of class struggle, applied to the international situation it includes the
thesis of Chairman Mao on ‘three worlds that are delineated’. To comprehend
such a complex panorama, like what is going on in Syria, Iraq or Turkey - where
an intricate coming and going of millions of human lives permanently drives the
historical development - we need to firmly grab the class struggle. Only by
applying the theory of class struggle and including the fundamental
contradictions of the current world it is possible to comprehend that the
so-called Middle East today forms the part of the globe where the fundamental
contradictions are converging; that the imperialist war of aggression is for
the dismemberment and new distribution of those oppressed countries – unleashed
there since the early 1990ies - sharpening all the contradictions and spurring
the revolution; that the main thing for us is to struggle to lead the storm of
the armed struggle of the oppressed nations which is rising there against
imperialism, mainly Yankee imperialism, without disregarding the atomic
superpower Russia and all the other imperialist powers; and that the current
problem is that the struggle is not developing correctly due to the lack of
political guidance by the Communist Party.
Starting from what Chairman Mao developed, we can
comprehend the current situation of countries like Ukraine, Syria, Iraq, Libya
and Afghanistan, where two fundamental contradictions sharpen and three forces
act. The two contradictions are: 1) the contradiction between oppressed
nations/people and imperialism, main contradiction, and 2) the
inter-imperialist contradiction, secondary contradiction. The three forces are:
1) US-imperialism, sole hegemonic superpower, and its temporally allies; 2) the
atomic superpower Russia, and its temporally allies; 3) the oppressed nations,
including all its classes and national minorities, excepting a bunch of
traitors, followers of the theory of national subjugation. These forces
(oppressed nations and national minorities) are temporary and relatively weak,
since the Communist Party which unifies them in the United Front against the
imperialist aggression is still missing, to prevent them from being used as
peons or boots on the ground by the imperialists.
To solve the main contradiction in these countries, a
Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Party is needed to lead a United Front of
national resistance, capable of uniting all the willing forces to fight to
defeat the imperialist invader and culminate the revolution of new democracy
through people’s war. It is not to misinterpret what was clearly established by
Chairman Mao about the independency and self-determination inside the United
Front. The desire for freedom of the peoples of the so-called Middle East and
the desire to throw off every foreign yoke will not be anything else but
illusions if Communist Parties are not constituted or reconstituted, according
to the situation, which are firmly grasping the laws of class struggle and in
consequence, transform their armed struggles into peoples’ wars.
We insist, without the real proletarian leadership and
its organized vanguard, the national struggle - including the struggle of the
national minorities - is condemned to serve any command staff, and such it is
condemned to subjugation. These are ineluctable laws of the development of
class struggle and to try denying them or declaring them outdated or for
anything else, is revisionism.
Both, in the current international situation and in
the struggle for the establishment and defence of the dictatorship of the
proletariat, the class struggle is the guideline that allows us to connect
every event to each other and to find and handle the laws which influence its
development. Therefore, we must study the international situation in the light
of Maoism. And it is in the light of Maoism that we must struggle to lead the
revolution in each country, as part and to serve the proletarian world revolution.
The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution – GPCR
The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution constitutes,
historically and politically, the highest expression of the proletarian class
struggle on international level, the defence of the dictatorship of the
proletariat, conceived as an all-round dictatorship over the bourgeois.
In a society divided by classes, the class struggle is
a historic law. The Marxists, in consequence, apply it to all phenomena of
social life, recognizing it in the most diverse expressions of contemporary
life. The class struggle develops in the ideological, political, economic and
military fields; but above all it is fundamental to comprehend that the class
struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat. As the great
Lenin said: “Only he is a Marxist who extends the recognition of the class
struggle to the recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat”. In
this sense, the GPCR is the struggle for the establishment of the all-around
dictatorship of the proletariat, the recognition of the objective existence of
classes in the whole period of construction of socialism and the dictatorship
of the proletariat, of antagonistic contradictions between classes, of the
bourgeoisie inside the party itself and of the continuation of class struggle
during the whole period of socialism until communism.
And like it was established since the beginning of the
GPCR: “Although the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it is still trying to
use the old ideas, culture, customs and habits of the exploiting classes to
corrupt the masses, capture their minds and endeavour to stage a comeback. The
proletariat must do the exact opposite: it must meet head-on every challenge of
the bourgeoisie in the ideological field and use the new ideas, culture,
customs and habits of the proletariat to change the mental outlook of the whole
of society”.
With the Great Leap Forward and the establishment of
the People’s Communes in 1957 -1958 it was given an effective advance in the
development of collective property economics and the socialist revolution,
constituting a victory against the right opportunism in a period in which, on
an international level, capitalism was restoring in the USSR and in the rest of
the countries of Eastern Europe.
Chairman Mao warned in 1962: “don’t ever forget the
class struggle”. The same year, with the socialist education movement, it
was possible to give a new impulse to the struggle against the followers of the
capitalist road in the countryside. In 1965, the criticism of philosophy and
the criticism of the art forms which were driven by bourgeois and revisionist
elements in the field of culture, prepare the soil for launching the GCPR in
1966. Initially, those who tried to control the implementation of the Cultural
Revolution were revisionist elements which nested within the highest leadership
of the Party, whose counter-revolutionary way of actin, was exposed later.
People like Liu Shao-chi, then President of the People’s Republic of China, his
front man and chief of the Party in Peking, Peng Sheng, the member of the Party
Committee in Peking and the person responsible for propaganda and press
organisms of the CPC and of the state, Lu Ting-yi, among others, frenetically
plotted their antiparty and antisocialist positions for restoring capitalism.
In this sense, Chairman Mao’s line has comprehended
this fundamental issue: “The socialist society emerges from the bosom of the
old society. It is not easy to liquidate the idea of the private property
formed during thousands of years of class society, nor the force of habit or
the ideological and cultural influence of the exploiting classes linked to the
private property. The spontaneous forces of the petty bourgeoisie in the city
and on the countryside constantly create new bourgeois elements. As the ranks
of the workers grow in number and range, some impure elements infiltrate them.
And after the conquest of power and living in an environment of peace, a
certain number of people in the ranks of the cadres of the Party and of the state
organisms degenerate. At the same time, in the international level, the
imperialism, headed by the USA, and the reactionary of the diverse countries
strive to eliminate us through the counter-revolutionary double tactic: threats
of war and ‘peaceful evolution’. The contemporary revisionist group, with the
direction of the Soviet Union Communist Party as its centre, tries to defeat us
as well, by all its possible means. If we forget the class struggle in these
circumstances and abandon our vigilance, we would run the risk of losing the
Power and allow that capitalism restores”.
Under Chairman Mao’s direction, the directive of the
XI Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the 8th of August 1966, it was clearly defined: “The
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution now unfolding is a great revolution that
touches people to their very souls and constitutes a new stage in the
development of the socialist revolution in our country, a stage which is both
broader and deeper.[…] Although
the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it is still trying to use the old ideas,
culture, customs and habits of the exploiting classes to corrupt the masses,
capture their minds and endeavour to stage a comeback.” And that in the cultural revolution: “At present,
our objective is to struggle against and overthrow those persons in authority
who are taking the capitalist road, to criticize and repudiate the reactionary
bourgeois academic “authorities” and the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all
other exploiting classes and to transform education, literature and art and all
other parts of the superstructure not in correspondence with the socialist
economic base, so as to facilitate the consolidation and development of the
socialist system.”
It were the masses of young students, in 1966, animated
and stimulated by the Communist Party, with Chairman Mao in the fore, who
started the mass criticism and, hence denounced the handful of stubborn
revisionists that usurped the power in different departments of the party
itself and the state. The all-around dictatorship of the proletariat was
necessary to defeat the gang of opportunist and revisionist followers of the
capitalist road. There could not remain any place in the party and in the state
for bourgeois elements, but to smash those individuals was not an
administrative problem, but was about the broad mass mobilization and the
criticism which they did.
To defeat and expose the opposition of the followers
of the capitalist road, the Party, under the correct revolutionary line of
Chairman Mao, needed to base itself on the masses, stimulating their own
initiative. Like the directive of the 8th of August 1966 pointed
out: “Trust the masses, rely on them and respect their initiative. Cast out
fear. Don’t be afraid of disturbances. Chairman Mao has often told us that
revolution cannot be so very refined, so gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous,
restrained and magnanimous. Let the masses educate themselves in this great
revolutionary movement and learn to distinguish between right and wrong and
between correct and incorrect ways of doing things. Make the fullest use of big-character posters and
great debates to argue matters out, so that the masses can clarify the correct
views, criticize the wrong views and expose all the ghosts and monsters. In
this way the masses will be able to raise their political consciousness in the
course of the struggle, enhance their abilities and talents, distinguish right
from wrong and draw a clear line between ourselves and the enemy”.
The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is the
method to mobilize the masses and them express all their creative power in the
criticism of the revisionists, “it is a method to uncover all the dark that
is in the party”, said Chairman Mao. At the IX Congress of 1969 it was
cited what Chairman Mao exposed in a conversation in February 1967: “In the past we waged struggles in rural areas, in
factories, in the cultural field, and we carried out the socialist education
movement. But all this failed to solve the problem because we did not find a
form, a method, to arouse the broad masses to expose our dark aspect openly, in
an all-round way and from below”.
The form, the means, the method was the critic by the
masses. This allowed to fully bring into play the initiative of masses to
expose the antiparty and antisocialist “black gang”, followers of the
capitalist road, who succeeded in usurping a part of the power. The problem was
not only the removal of this or that leader of the followers of the capitalist
road, the great task consisted in mobilizing the masses and to make them
bombard the bourgeois headquarters on their own initiative. This is still
important, because the problem was not just fighting against a political line,
the issue was also the struggle against the organisational line which Liu
Shao-chi built up and which allowed him to have a significant presence in
different state and party entities through impenitent followers of the
capitalist road.
Initiated among the sections of the youth, principally
students, the GPCR soon propagated to the broad masses of workers and peasants.
At the end of 1966 the class struggle sharpened in Shanghai. In January 1967
the revolutionary storm breaks out in this important industrial city and a
clique of usurpers was defeated, recapturing the proletarian power and
re-establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat. Chang Chung-chiao had an
active role in these events, giving a proper direction in this struggle. The
revisionists who were installed in the
Shanghai municipality were defeated and in February 1967 the Revolutionary
Committee of the Shanghai Municipality is founded as the new power organism of
the working class, led by the Party, concentrated in the Revolutionary
Committees.
Later, in March 1967 progress was made in the Great
Strategic Plan for the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. The document
reads as following: “This document could be distributed to the whole country
to be acted upon accordingly. The army should give military and political
training in the universities, middle schools and the higher classes of primary
schools, for levels and groups. This should help in re-opening school classes,
strengthening organization, setting up the leading bodies on the principle of
the "three in one combination" and carrying out the task of "struggle-criticism-transformation."
First, experiments should be done at selected locations and then expanded step
by step. And the students should be convinced to implement the teaching of Marx
that the proletariat can only achieve its final emancipation by emancipating
all mankind, and that those teachers and cadres who have made mistakes in
military and political training should not be excluded. Apart from the aged and
the sick, these people should be allowed to take part so as to facilitate their
re-education. If all this is not done conscientiously, it is difficult to solve
the problems”.
In the IX Congress in 1969 it was decided as a
fundamental line of the Party for the whole historical phase of socialism,
issues that Chairman Mao had established in a plenum of the Central Committee
in 1962: “The socialist society will last a relatively long historical
phase. During this historical phase of socialism, classes, class contradictions
and class struggle will still exist; the struggle between the socialist and the
capitalist road and the danger of capitalist restoration exists. We have to
comprehend how long and complicated this struggle is and raise our vigilance.
It is necessary to carry out the socialist education. It is necessary to
understand and handle the problems of class contradictions and class struggle
correctly and to precisely distinguish the contradictions between us and the
enemy that exist in the bosom of the people, and to handle them in a correct
way. Otherwise, a socialist country like ours will convert into its opposite,
will degenerate, and the restoration will occur. From now on, we have to talk
about this every year, every month and every day, so that we have a relative
clear comprehension of this problem and follow a Marxist-Leninist line”.
On Restoration: lessons for the future
The counter-revolutionary coup that the revisionists
conducted against the Communist Party of China, against the state of the
dictatorship of the proletariat, is a sign of how sharp the class struggle and
the two-line struggle in the Party becomes in the society during socialism.
Chairman Mao, in May 1963, facing the advance of people like Liu Shao-chi,
prudently pointed out the risks which entail a grave situation like this: “Then
it would not take much time, maybe some years or a decade or several decades at
most, to create a counter-revolutionary restoration at a national level, to
transform the Marxist-Leninist party to a revisionist party or a fascist party
and the whole China will change its colour”.
Later, in 1966, continuing this issue, he warned: “The
bourgeois representatives that had infiltrated the Party, the government, the
army and the different sectors of the cultural sector are a bunch of
counter-revolutionary revisionists. If the possibility arises, they would take
the Power and transform the dictatorship of the proletariat in the dictatorship
of the bourgeois”.
The bourgeois dictatorship established in October 1976
is a fascist dictatorship, and the party that leads it is a fascist party, only
revisionists and opportunists keep calling the monstrosity that governs in
China today a Communist Party. Chairman Mao warned of this again in 1976:
“I have never stopped believing that in China there
is a possibility of a restoration of capitalism on a great scale. A countrywide
scale. If this restoration comes, bad things will come. Sufferings will be back, but,
inevitably, the revolution will also come back”.
The same is pointed out in a letter of the same year
that he sent to comrade Chiang Ching. We quote a fragment:
“In the struggle of the past ten years
I have tried to reach the
peak of the revolution,
But I had failed…
Maybe you can reach the
peak.
If you fail you will drown
in a bottomless abyss,
Your body will be torn
apart,
Your bones will break.
No agreement with the others
is good.
If the sword turns around,
and I think it had been turned
against the revolution. One
more time it will be needed
the guerrilla warfare…the
new Yenan …”
And last, also in words written by Chairman Mao in
1966 to comrade Chiang Ching: “In China, after the emperor was overthrown in
1911, no reactionary was able to stay long in power. If the Rightists were to
stage an anti-Communist coup d’etat in China, I am sure they would have no
peace either and their rule would most probably be short-lived, because it
would never be tolerated by the revolutionaries who represent the interests of
the people constituting more than 90 per cent of the population”.
Conclusion: the perspectives are brilliant, but the way is tortuous. These two
formulations continue to be valid.
It is important to highlight that all of this occurs
in the period that the Chairman pointed out as the ‘next 50 to 100 years’ in
which the rule of imperialism will be brought down, time of the major
decomposition of imperialism and in which it will be swept from the face of the
earth by the proletarian world revolution. An important thesis to rub in the
face of contemporary opportunists and revisionists.
The Communist Party of China, its construction and the two-line struggle
during the GPCR
In 1974 the brochure “A basic understanding of the
Party” was published in China. In this important document, the CPC draws a
balance of the experience of the Party and its role in the GPCR; it is also
synthesized in the basic program and the basic line of the party, the
construction of the party, the two-line struggle and the tasks of education and
re-education led by it. This brochure is an advanced exposition of the
principles which establish what an authentic Communist Party must be and which
most consistent application was performed by Chairman Gonzalo, developing the
Marxist theory on the party with the thesis of militarization and the
concentric construction.
The brochure explains the reflection of the class
struggle in the party as two-line struggle, sometimes high, sometimes low, as
the tide; the importance of ten great two-line struggles that were fought in
the Communist Party of China are highlighted, including the struggles against
Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao, and there is no doubt it was necessary to develop
some more. There was fought a two-line struggle against Chen Po-ta and Teng
Siao-ping but, finally, taking advantage of a favourable correlation of forces,
these two took advantage of their own forces to strike at the Left and to
transform the Party into a fascist party.
The GPCR,
the criticism of the masses of Lin Piao, the movement for the rectification of
style of work, initiated and led by Chairman Mao, was able to contain and smash
the counter-revolutionary offensive that Lin Piao and Liu Shao-chi tried to
drive to change the party character and restore capitalism. Unquestionably the
party was purified. Nevertheless, to advance towards the classless society,
one, two or three cultural revolutions were not enough, but many more. During
the GPCR, the two-line struggle in the bosom of the Communist Party of China
reached never seen levels, giving huge lessons to the coming revolutionary
generations. In the same brochure “A basic understanding of the Party” it was sustained: “The
two-line struggle within the Party over the question of its character has always been very sharp. All of the leaders
of the opportunist lines have always tried by every means to pervert the
character of the political party of the proletariat, in order to serve their
own criminal goal of sabotaging the proletarian revolution. […] The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the
movement to criticise Lin Piao and rectify the style of work personally
initiated and led by Chairman Mao, completely smashed the criminal plots of Liu
Shao-chi and Lin Piao to change the nature of our Party and to restore
capitalism. Our Party came out purified, more solid, and more vigorous than
ever. The struggle between the two lines inside the party profoundly demonstrates
that safeguarding the character of the Party is a matter of great importance.
It' is intimately connected with the destiny of the Party and the state, and
with the question of whether the revolution will win victory or go down to
defeat. To continually build our Party, making use of Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Tsetung Thought, to expose and frustrate the plots of the revisionists to
pervert the character of the Party — this will provide the guarantee that our
Party will always retain its proletarian character”.
Some of the problems of this two-line struggle that
developed in the bosom of the Communist
Party of China and in the Chinese society were: the handling of the two-line
struggle itself; the deficient handling of the two types of contradictions -
between us and the enemy, and in the bosom of the people - that left room for
the revisionists; absence of a new and firm impulse for the GPCR after the
attempted coup of Lin Piao, the “right deviationist winds” and the disturbances
sowed by Teng Siao-ping in 1975 and 1976 during the funerals of Chu En-lai,
etc. The revisionist line had great space to develop.
The two-line struggle had important advances, but
cunning revisionists like Teng Siao-ping and its clique found the auspicious
moment to overtake the contradictions in the bosom of the people and to
overtake the power through a fascist coup, exposing problems not solved by the
revolution. One of the main issues is the insufficient application of the
proletarian military line regarding the ‘sea of armed masses’, which should have been expressed through the
transmission of greater competence to the people’s militias, like more control
over the PLA, thus it became relatively easy to be usurped because of its
centralization. Chairman Gonzalo, understanding this question and contributing
to the proletarian military line - meaning to the people’s war - brought up the
need of the concentric construction of the three instruments of the revolution
and the need of integrating the people’s militia into the revolutionary army in
order to be guard against the capitalist restoration, aiming at the ‘sea of
armed masses’.
How it was defined by Chairman
Gonzalo, fundamental in Maoism is the power, that means “the power for the
proletariat, the Power for the dictatorship of the proletariat, the power based
on an armed force led by the Communist Party. More explicitly: 1) The power
under leadership of the proletariat in the democratic revolution; 2) the power
for the dictatorship of the proletariat in the socialist and cultural revolutions;
3) the power based on an armed force led by the Communist Party, a power
conquered and defended by People’s War” and the core of people’s war is the
New Power. Therefore, being Marxists-Leninists-Maoist, fighting to develop
people’s war, we must apply the advances reached in the construction of the New
Power during the GPCR, which have the system of “three in one combination” as a
substantial element. In Nepal this was not applied, but instead representatives
of bureaucratic bourgeois and landlord parties were incorporated in what they
called “New Power”, what became a house of cards. It is an issue to study and
debate to deepen our understanding of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally
Maoism. This is a question to which all the parties and organizations must pay
attention, whatever their level of development is. Given that what is
fundamental in Maoism is the construction of the New Power, be it in an current
form or in perspective, it is also fundamental for our understanding of the
construction of the three instruments of the revolution and allows us to better
understand the necessity of the concentric construction and how to handle it.
This way, taking the experience of
the GPCR, we can understand the necessity of developing people’s war until communism.
Chairman Gonzalo teaches us: “Without a People’s Army the people will have
nothing, says Chairman Mao, at the same time that he teaches us the need of the
absolute lead of the Party over the army and establishes his great principle:
The Party leads the guns and we will never allow the opposite. Aside of
completely establishing the principles and norms of the construction of an army
of the new type, the Chairman himself called to prevent the use of the army for
the capitalist restoration usurping the direction through a
counter-revolutionary coup, and by developing Lenin’s thesis on the people’s
militia he drove the general armament of the people further than anyone before
him, opening the path and showing the way towards the ‘armed sea of masses’ that
would lead us towards the definitive emancipation of the people and the
proletariat”. The way in which Chairman Mao instructed comrade Chiang
Ching, is how we must understand the communist’s role: develop the guerrilla
war - specifically, the people’s war - if the revisionists usurp the power.
As long as there are classes, there
will be class struggle, because that is how the law of contradiction specifies
in the class society; the highest way of solving the contradictions in the
class society is the war and, because of that, until the whole mankind enters
to communism there will always be the need of the people’s war. Studying the
GPCR, we understand more deeply the omnipotence of the revolutionary war,
meaning the people’s war, Maoism and how to apply it. All of these are lessons
of the class struggle in the GPCR.
The zigzags that the party faced in
its inner struggle in that period also confirm the correctness and validity of
the thesis that revisionism is the main danger.
Yes, on one hand, the two-line
struggle reached higher levels of sharpening and antagonism that finally led to
the destruction of the party and its transformation into a fascist party,
distinct from and opposite to the proletariat, on the other hand it would have
been impossible to reach the heights that the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution reached without the sharp two-line struggle displayed by Chairman
Mao and the Left inside the party. The role of the Communist Party of China and
of Chairman Mao in the leadership of this earth shaking second revolution
cannot be vanished, without also vanishing the elevation of
Mao-Tse-Tung-Thought to a new, third and higher stage of Marxism, Maoism.
Continuers of the revolution
Another question to which Chairman Mao gave great
importance was the preparation of the continuers of the revolutionary cause of
the proletariat. Considered as a strategic task by the Party, its main
revolutionary cadres dedicated huge efforts to it. About this Chairman Mao
said: “In the final analysis, the question of training successors for the revolutionary cause of the
proletariat is one of whether or not there will be people who can carry on the
Marxist-Leninist revolutionary cause started by the older generation of
proletarian revolutionaries, whether or not the leadership of our Party and
state will remain in the hands of proletarian revolutionaries, whether or not
our descendants will continue to march along the correct road laid down by
Marxism-Leninism, or, in other words, whether or not we can successfully prevent
the emergence of Khrushchov's revisionism in China. In short, it is an
extremely important question, a matter of life and death for our Party and our
country. It is a question of fundamental importance to the proletarian
revolutionary cause for a hundred, a thousand, nay ten thousand years”.
The GPCR today
The meaning of the GPCR lies not only in recognizing
it as the struggle against the capitalist restoration in the epoch of the
dictatorship of the proletariat and the construction of socialism and bringing
up the problem of the ideological transformation, of changing the soul of the
people. It is not enough, and not because it is incorrect, but because we must
develop the understanding of Maoism in relation to the question of the two-line
struggle, and this means recognizing Chairman Mao’s line on the universal
validity of the people’s war, developed by Chairman Gonzalo through the thesis
of ‘people’s war until communism’ and, in consequence, understand the GPCR from
the Maoist line and not from the conciliatory positions.
In 1963 the Great Polemic erupts. In the course of
this struggle the Letter of 25 Points and the Nine Comments were published,
which exposed with sharpness the nature of the contemporary revisionism, the
sinister role played by Nikita Khrushchev in the capitalist restoration in the
USSR in 1956 and his betrayal to the ICM. Some ignored what was done by the CPC
and by Chairman Mao, ignored at the same time the GPCR, its advances, and
especially, the development of Marxism into a new, third and higher stage.
Defending the GPCR is assuming Maoism as the new,
third and higher stage of Marxism, in the two-line struggle in the bosom of the
ICM, as class struggle in the ideological and political fields, and to
constitute or reconstitute, corresponding to the situation, militarized
Communist Parties to unleash peoples’ wars all over the world and impose Maoism
as command and guide of the proletarian world revolution, giving an impulse to
the new great wave of the proletarian world revolution.
Long live the 50th anniversary of the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution!
Sweep away revisionism and all opportunism!
Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!
Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction)
Communist Party of Ecuador – Red Sun
Popular Movement of Peru (Reorganisation Committee)
Red Faction of the Communist Party of Chile
Revolutionary Front of the People of Bolivia MLM
Maoist Organization for the Reconstitution of the
Communist Party of Columbia
Committee Red Flag – FRG
Other
signing parties and organizations:
Committees for the Founding of the (Maoist) Communist
Party, Austria
May, 2016