Marx emphasized: "The oppressed are authorized to decide once every few years which members of the oppressor class will represent and crush them in parliament!"
INTRODUCTION
On Sunday, October 26, reactionary elections were held in Argentina to renew one-third of the representatives in both chambers (deputies and senators), resulting in a Pyrrhic victory for the La Libertad Avanza (LLA) party of current president Milei, who, since the 2023 elections, has become the main representative of the comprador faction of the big bourgeoisie. Another of its representatives, the Republican Proposal (PRO) party, led by Macri, an ally of Milei, continued its downward spiral in these Sunday elections, as a well-known tango says.
The elections of the last Sunday in October, in turn, represented a major defeat and further disillusionment for the main party representing the bureaucratic faction of the big bourgeoisie, Union for the Fatherland (UP, Peronist/Kirchnerist faction), a party that lost not only in most of the provinces but also in its stronghold, the province of Buenos Aires. The other parties representing the bureaucratic, revisionist, and opportunist faction were also defeated at the ballot box they so cherish.
Those who sought to position themselves between the LLA and UP under the electoral banner of "United Provinces" were also defeated.
The method we use to account for the development of the political situation is class analysis, in this case, of the reactionary elections in Argentina. According to Chairman Mao Zedong, when studying history, unless one takes a class struggle perspective as a starting point, one will only end up confused. Things can only be analyzed clearly through the use of class analysis.
President Gonzalo established that the landowning-bureaucratic state, in the service of imperialism, is the dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie and landowners, directed by the big bourgeoisie, which has two factions: the comprador and the bureaucratic; that the governments that head this state represent one or the other of these factions; and that, based on their form of government or political regime, these reactionary governments can be either bourgeois-democratic or fascist.
It is also possible that the forces within the government find themselves in a dilemma between bourgeois-democratic and fascist tendencies, as happened in Peru during the García Pérez administration (APRA), which was defined by fascism with the prison massacres of June 19, 1986. The Fujimori government (July 28, 1990) is defined as fascist following the CIA-backed “self-coup” (April 5, 1992).
In the present case, the Milei government is reactionary bourgeois-democratic, representing the comprador faction of the big bourgeoisie. Its discourse and actions in government leave no doubt about this. It focuses on investment and private enterprise, both native and imperialist. He openly declares himself a lackey of Yankee imperialism and, not only that, but in the dispute between imperialist factions in the US, he aligns himself with Trump and the Republican Party (RP). His government is more oppressive and traitorous than all its predecessors.
Milei's reactionary government is implementing further cuts to freedoms, rights, and benefits won by the Argentine proletariat and people in hard and bloody struggles; economic measures, which he calls "reforms," for new capital accumulation in the face of the deep crisis that bureaucratic capitalism is experiencing in Argentina. His measures benefit the big bourgeoisie, landowners, and imperialism.
WHAT DO THE RESULTS OF THE REACTIONARY MIDTERM ELECTIONS REFLECT?
To understand the victory of the government's lists, it is necessary to consider that Milei, since the 2023 presidential campaign and in these midterm elections... He appealed to the “polarization” between his government, as the representative of “change” and “anti-politics,” and all previous governments, which he blamed for all the ills of the old Argentine society. These are three consecutive crises of this outdated society: during the governments of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (Peronist), the Macri government (PRO), now an ally of the current government, and the previous Fernández government (Peronist).
In La Nación of Buenos Aires, October 27, 2025, Claudio Jacquelin, commenting on the favorable result for Milei's purple party, opined:
“The strategy of polarizing to the extreme and creating the possibility of a narrower result or even defeat for the ruling party, and therefore, a possible return of Kirchnerism, worked perfectly. In the end, it was all gains and with an exceptional performance. A purple upset.
(...) That is the first major interpretation of the election results that most concerned the Casa Rosada (the seat of government, note). With that image, the members of the government went to sleep peacefully last night, after a long period of insomnia and nightmares, fueled by the corruption scandals that implicated the main government figures, by the impact of the economic adjustment on income and economic activity, the currency runs, and the confrontations even with those who were willing to help them.
The fear that the warning or punishment of the government by some Disagreements with his policies and methods will ultimately bring him to the brink of collapse and resurrect Kirchnerism, which extraordinarily mobilized both his more moderate and more staunchly anti-Kirchnerist voters."
The economic plans of the comprador faction in government (“economic adjustment”), represented by the LLA, are threatened by the explosiveness of the masses, who will rise up time and again in defense of their interests. These plans are doomed to failure, capable of achieving only fleeting successes, like transient blooms; for crises are an expression of the obsolescence of their system. Only a revolution of new democracy, carried out through people's war, can solve the problems that afflict the Argentine people: the domination of imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism, and semi-feudalism. For this, it is necessary to resolve the long-overdue task of reconstituting the Communist Party as a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist party.
On Monday, October 27, the main media outlets in Argentina and abroad reported the election results as follows:
Legislative elections held this Sunday.
“With results even higher than those anticipated in previous estimates, and above all, with a surprising, unexpected victory in the province of Buenos Aires, Javier Milei's government received resounding support at the polls in Sunday's legislative elections.”
“Although on paper half of the Chamber of Deputies (127 seats) and a third of the Senate (24 seats) were up for election, the election was presented as a plebiscite on Milei's administration, and the votes gave him that firm political endorsement.”
“The Freedom Advances party not only defeated Kirchnerism in the province of Buenos Aires, which accounts for almost 40% of the national electorate, but also won in the other five largest districts in the country—Córdoba, Santa Fe, the City of Buenos Aires (CABA), and Mendoza—exceeding 40% nationally and relegating the Peronist/Kirchnerist faction of Fuerza Patria and its allies, who obtained just over 31%.” (CABA: Autonomous City of Buenos Aires, capital of Argentina, which has been electorally divided from the province of Buenos Aires; it is the largest and most populous province in Argentina.)
“Milei won in a total of 16 provinces.”
We call it a Pyrrhic victory, among other reasons, because: Neither the government nor the opposition has a majority in either chamber, so the collusion and reactionary struggle will be more acute between the parties representing the comprador factions (LLA) and their allies, and especially with the representatives of the bureaucratic Peronist and revisionist factions. But it also serves the absolute centralization of power in the president (Executive branch).
“In the Senate, La Libertad Avanza (La Libertad Avanza) would have a bloc of 19 senators, and Kirchnerism would lose a significant portion of its senators.”
“Almost unexpectedly, LLA will become the largest minority in the Chamber of Deputies starting in December, relegating Unión por la Patria (Union for the Fatherland). They would still need the support of about 15 deputies to reach the quorum required to open a session and pass laws, but having surpassed a third of the Chamber will allow Milei to ward off the specter of impeachment and ensure protection from the presidential veto, something he was unable to achieve with the Disability Law, the National University Funding Law, and the Pediatric Emergency Law (Garrahan Law), which the government still refuses to implement, claiming it lacks the resources.”
A Pyrrhic victory, because:
1. “Aware that he will still need parliamentary agreements, an exultant Milei, in his message from the libertarian bunker, declared that “we have a historic and unrepeatable opportunity,” and that he will call for dialogue with “the majority” of the governors.”
2. Voter abstention increased to more than 32% of the electoral roll. This means that abstention prevailed, both in absolute and relative terms, over all the participating reactionary parties:
“67.85% of the electoral roll voted: a percentage that consolidates the slow and progressive decline in participation in national midterm elections, caused by apathy, disenchantment, and rejection of politics.”
3. Furthermore, 6 out of every 10 voters who did participate voted against the lists of Javier Milei's government.
Journalistic commentary:
“67.85% of registered voters cast their ballots”: a percentage that confirms the slow and progressive decline in participation in midterm national elections, caused by apathy, disillusionment, and rejection of politics.
Our commentary:
Generally speaking, more than 32% represents a vast mass of citizens who express rejection, distancing themselves from, or indifference toward the prevailing system, its elections to choose oppressors, and its political parties as instruments at the service of maintaining, preserving, and evolving order; in short, the objective and clear rejection and questioning of Argentine society and its institutions, of the historically outdated social system that must necessarily be swept away.
Moreover, Milei and LLA have demagogically campaigned by promoting “anti-politics,” that is, non-partisanship, seeking to win over independent voters and capitalize on popular discontent with the “governments of the crisis.” They exploited the discrediting of their own political parties, proclaiming the rotten thesis that political parties are unnecessary. All of this simply demonstrates the crisis of the parties that uphold the old order; a crisis not new, but exacerbated by the electoral process and its results; a crisis of the parties that clearly confirms the growing deterioration of the old Argentine state.
THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION'S INTERVENTION IN THE MIDTERM ELECTIONS
One final comment: on an important factor that impacted the farcical midterm elections in Argentina and reflects the country's semi-colonial status, primarily dependent on U.S. imperialism, according to which:
“At perhaps its most vulnerable moment, when it had to be bailed out in the last two weeks with direct financial aid from the U.S. government, La Libertad Avanza not only defeated Kirchnerism in the province of Buenos Aires, which accounts for almost 40% of the national electorate. It also won in the other five largest districts in the country—Córdoba, Santa Fe, the City of Buenos Aires, and Mendoza—exceeding 40% nationally and relegating the Peronist/Kirchnerist coalition Fuerza Patria and its allies, who obtained just over 31%. Milei won in a total of 16 provinces.”
The facts as reported by mainstream media:
Trump, with his characteristic outspokenness, had endorsed Milei and stated that a US financial bailout, in the form of a $20 billion currency swap, depended on his success in the elections. Milei is an enthusiastic supporter of Trump and the MAGA movement, and his success is seen by the Trump administration as a way to strengthen US influence in South America and counter China's growing influence in the region.
“It has been a resounding victory for common sense and pro-American leadership, which Milei largely embodies,” said Andrés Martínez-Fernández, senior political analyst at the Heritage Foundation specializing in Latin America. He added that it also demonstrated that “there are very clear advantages for countries that proactively seek alliances with the United States.”
The Heritage Foundation is an American foundation linked to the Republican Party. The 2025 Plan, which guides Trump's national and international policy within the strategic plans of the imperialist state, originated from its ranks.
Imperialism always intervenes in the affairs of our countries. The big bourgeoisie is a lackey class of imperialism, both the bureaucratic and the comprador factions. It has no national spirit whatsoever.
Governments of the bureaucratic faction have also been lackey governments of imperialism.
Let us recall how the previous government, led by the Peronist Fernández and his Minister of Economy, Massa, begged for the support of the Biden administration and the IMF for the last elections, and how the latter backed them with statements and by postponing the harshest measures of the renegotiation of Argentina's debt with the IMF until after the elections, that is, for the new government. We denounce this indirect, blatant intervention by imperialism in the presidential elections, primarily using economic means, the hegemonic power of U.S. financial capital, and its control of international financial institutions. At that time, we clearly outlined the process followed by bureaucratic capitalism and the governments that have held power in Argentina before and during this 21st century.
In the elections of Sunday, October 26, there was an indirect and, even more blatant, intervention by the US in the internal affairs of Argentina, a semi-colonial country that enjoys formal political independence, also using its imperialist political and financial power. It is not the same as the previous intervention with Biden during Fernández's presidency; now it is more extensive. Trump has acted with greater imperialist arrogance, and Milei has publicly bowed to the US government.
It is important to note that Milei remains a lackey of imperialism, but he is treated by Trump as his puppet, and Milei lends himself to this. We must remember, as we have said, that imperialism always intervenes in the internal affairs of our countries, which are subjected to its ever-increasing meddling. This is therefore not something new; what stands out in Sunday's elections is the blatant way in which master and lackey acted. This demonstrates the deepening of the country's semi-colonial condition and the government's alignment with Trump.
Indirect and Direct Intervention of Imperialism
The above refers to the indirect intervention of imperialism in the internal affairs of our countries, in the case of Argentina, but it should not be forgotten that its direct intervention against Venezuela is currently underway, and the threat looms over the other countries of Latin America. This is the United States' main area of influence. It is part of the development of the strategic plan of Yankee imperialism, which began to be implemented when US imperialism became the sole hegemonic imperialist superpower with the definitive bankruptcy of Soviet revisionism.
This strategic plan, known as the "Bush Initiative for Latin America" (early 1990s), aimed to unite Mexico, the axis, with the US and Canada to achieve hegemony over the Caribbean, extend into South America, and increasingly control Central America, in order to maintain its strategic base for global dominance in its struggle with rival imperialist powers and against revolution on our continent. It is part of its plans to prepare for a third world war.
The criteria of the “Bush Initiative…”, obviously more developed, guide the Trump administration’s policies; and we see very clearly how sinister the plans are behind the accusations of “narco-terrorism” to bring about regime change in Venezuela. This is similar to how U.S. imperialism has been using this tactic since the 1980s to defame the people’s war in Peru and guerrilla movements in Latin America. We will address imperialist intervention in Latin America soon.
Finally, it is necessary to clarify that we are not claiming that U.S. imperialist intervention in the reactionary midterm elections in Argentina was decisive for the government’s victory with its parliamentary lists. We consider it a contributing factor, its significance lying in the intervention in the country’s internal affairs at the request and with the approval of the leader responsible for defending state sovereignty. All Argentine commentators of different persuasions have emphasized the non-decisive role of this intervention in the results. We reiterate that for us the intervention of Trump and his Republican government was an important factor, which had repercussions on the electoral farce of the midterm elections in Argentina and which expresses the semi-colonial situation of the country, dependent mainly on Yankee imperialism, as well as the alignment of the Argentine government with the imperialist faction of the North American financial oligarchy headed by Trump.