We hereby reproduce a document from the Red Faction of
the Communist Party of Chile, in an unofficial and preliminary translation.
Proletarians
of all countries, unite!
ON
THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN CHILE
“Finally, the so-called “legitimisation” as a
political objective of the counter-subversive war, in its form known as “low
intensity warfare”, insofar as it seeks governments that come out of elections
as a means of “giving them legitimacy” and “authority” recognised by the
people; apart, they say, from “serving the needs of the people”. Elections are
thus an instrument of the counter-revolutionary war.” (“Elections No! People’s
War Yes!, I Crucial Elections for Reaction”. Chairman Gonzalo, PCP, 1990)
“Everyone
knows nowadays that wherever there is a revolutionary convulsion, there must be
some social want in the background, which is prevented, by outworn
institutions, from satisfying itself.” (Revolution and Counter-Revolution in
Germany, Engels 1851)
Introduction
Following the counter-insurgency road map imposed by
the US State Department on Chile back in the 1980s, a new government of
opportunism has begun on March 11, 2022, a social-democratic government all
along the line (including the revisionist Tellier-Carmona clique). A new
government, yes, but an old and rotten state, a state that is nothing but a
joint dictatorship of big bourgeoisie and landowners in the service of US
imperialism mainly. This government of opportunism and its extensive electoral
agenda is a response to the deep political and economic crisis, or rather the
general crisis, facing Chilean society, a crisis which also helps to explain
the readjustment of this state which is being attempted by means of a
Constitutional Convention, that factory of illusions which oozes parliamentary
cretinism from every pore.
This new government and the convention correspond to
the need of imperialism’s reactionary lackey classes to slow down, contain and
divert the revolutionary upsurge of the masses, thus serving the strategy of
low intensity warfare that the imperialists apply to the Chilean semi-colony.
This necessity in turn translates into counter-revolutionary tasks which they
have been carrying out in the midst of contradictions, struggling or colluding
to show who can best serve these tasks.
Context
Following the wave of violent protests and rebellions
unfolding worldwide, a popular uprising exploded in the country on 18 October
2019 and lasted for several weeks. The uprising of historic proportions
tellurically shook the country to its foundations. Its mainly spontaneous
nature did not prevent the organised forces of the people from developing, and
the rebellion was an important impetus for them.
The deep cracks opened by the “social explosion” showed
the deep general crisis in which Chilean society is struggling. A crust of
economic growth has been cracked by the blows of popular anger. On the other
hand, the revolt showed the fecundity of mass violence, of revolutionary mass
violence, revealing forcefully the full validity of the need for revolution,
for a revolution of new democracy. The way of the people is revolution.
The rebellion accelerated historical time (the old
mole dared again) and the sharp class struggle shook the reactionary classes and
their representatives out of the deep laziness in which they had become mired
with the binominal and the new trinominal; suddenly, when nothing seemed to
have “taken hold”, the parties of order, opportunism, parliament, the courts of
justice, the armed forces, etc., turned out in full force to rescue their
decayed and rotten landlord-bureaucratic state. Counter-revolutionary tasks
became the order of the day and the military rushed to the front line, dusting
off their counter-subversive warfare manuals.
Since the late 1990s the country’s economy has shown
clear signs of collapse. Slight and transitory recoveries have not reversed the
trend. The concentration of capital and property in the hands of a few as part
of the process of accumulation of capital by the big bourgeoisie has reached
levels never seen before in the history of the country, an accumulation that is
carried out at the cost of greater exploitation and oppression of the working
class and the working masses in the countryside and the city, further
exacerbating inequality.
The semi-colonial and semi-feudal Chilean society, in
which a particular type of bureaucratic capitalism is developing, is in a deep
crisis that is expressed in a concentrated form in the political situation of
our country, that is a rampant delegitimisation of the Chilean bureaucratic
landlord state and its main institutions. Corruption, price collusion,
monopolism, parasitism, decomposition and a dying type of capitalism, are part
of the accumulation of capital that on the other side implies the constant fall
of the wage share in the GDP, greater concentration of land in few hands to the
detriment of the working masses of the countryside, the biggest housing deficit
in 25 years, a galloping inflation that steals the bread from the table of the
children of the people. Accumulation of capital that plunders broad sectors of
the petty bourgeoisie and constrains the middle bourgeoisie, preventing the
development of a real national economy.
Just to dig deeper. A defender of bureaucratic
capitalism published a column in February this year: “The Keynesian policies of
the last few years (i.e. expansionary fiscal and monetary policies to finance
deficit public spending and increasing debt) have brought the structural fiscal
deficit to 11.5%, public debt to 34.9% of GDP and inflation to 7%, as well as
an increase in poverty and destitution. The effects of government bonuses are
quickly outweighed by higher living costs, reflected in Chile’s 74% growth in
encampments since 2019 (the highest figure since 1996). In this context, the
new finance minister inherits a complex scenario.” If we add to this that the
concentration of land ownership in Chile is the third highest in Latin America,
a continent that globally shows the highest rates of concentration,
All these elements described above, in addition to
others, make up a historical accumulation of high explosiveness in the masses
that led in October 2019 to a popular rebellion as rarely seen before in the
history of the country. This confirms that countries like ours are experiencing
a revolutionary situation of unequal development. Those at the top cannot
govern as they have done so far and those at the bottom cannot tolerate being
governed as they have been governed so far. Thus, we are in the presence of the
best conditions for the development of the revolutionary situation, which will
probably lead to a new people’s revolt. Where there is oppression there is
rebellion, says Chairman Mao.
Faced with this demonstration of the excellent
revolutionary health of the popular masses, the reactionary classes, together
with their acolytes and lackeys, rushed to sign an “Agreement for Peace and
Democracy” on 15 November 2019.
A new social and governance pact: the bureaucratic way
forward
In response to the acute situation described above,
the new president of Chile, Gabriel Boric, like all demagogues, made great
promises and offers in his election campaign. Many of these promises have
already been put on hold and shelved for the next campaign. Today the reasons
of state, of the old landlord-bureaucratic state, demand moderation, to respect
“the rules of the democratic game” and to isolate the usual troublemakers and
continue to imprison them. They talk about re-establishing the rule of law,
i.e. defending tooth and nail the joint dictatorship of big landowners and big
bourgeoisie.
On the other hand, the promise to put an end to
“neo-liberalism”, the announcements of reforms and profound changes as well as
a new constitution are the mock measures that the Boric government and the
Convention are trying to offer the people to calm their anger. What do they ask
for in return, forget the class struggle, they ask for conciliation and
capitulation, social peace (the peace of the prisons and cemeteries) and the
end of revolutionary violence. They also promise that the “transformations” can
be carried out gradually through institutional channels, thus recovering their
longed-for “social cohesion” and the governability of the country (i.e. a
subdued people). Boric maintains in an interview given at the beginning of
March this year that “the social contract has been broken. And from my point of
view by the elites. And, therefore, in order to recover order, new forms are
required and not to repeat the same as in the past”. He then added: “the
promise of equality and inclusion has not been fulfilled, and therefore, that
social pact is broken and we need to build a new one.” The old ECLAC promise of
growth with equity or equality, propagandised by the previous concertacionist
governments, is seen as a new failure for the country. Boric, in his eagerness
to crush the people’s rebellion, proclaims the fallacious idea of a
“collaborative society”, for which “structural reforms” will be required. That
is to say, to re-improve bureaucratic capitalism and restructure the old state.
There is no doubt that the ideologues of some of the
fractions and groups of the big bourgeoisie (represented today by the Boric
government), or even petty bourgeois ideologues will engage in theoretical
treatises to square this regime with a sort of first step on a very long and eternal
path of pseudo-revolutionary changes. They will write hundreds of mammoth
treatises to mask or justify their true class nature, and the very class nature
of the Chilean state. Their futile efforts aim to deny the class struggle and
replace it with “class conciliation”: rich and poor can coexist in harmony, but
for this to work certain rules of the political game have to be modified,
things have to be changed so that everything remains the same, and so they
dream of establishing a “new social pact” and achieving so-called “social
cohesion”. All this is necessary for them at present in order to re-legitimise
the old and rotten regime of domination. They cannot hide their cervical fear
of the masses.
With the second round of the presidential elections they
presented a farce of polarisation: Kast is the candidate of fascism and Boric
would represent a broad anti-fascist political spectrum. On the other hand they
claimed that Kast would not provide governability, that only Boric could from
the government institutionally channel the explosiveness of the popular masses
in order to avoid a new rebellion and outburst as was experienced in October
2019.
Elections are an instrument to deceive the people, so
that they can decide who will plunder and oppress them every four years in a
putrid alternation of governments. Elections are an instrument of domination
that imperialism and all reaction use to “normalise” or legalise military
regimes or governments that have emerged from coups d’état, but they have never
been and never will be an instrument to liberate the people, much less to
develop the revolution. Elections are one more counter-revolutionary instrument
used by the joint dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie and landowners in the
service of imperialism, mainly US imperialism and all reaction.
To recapitulate, the different factions of the big
bourgeoisie and their representatives talk about governance and governability,
about how to guarantee social peace and generate cohesion in the old society in
the perspective of building a “new social contract” without altering the old
social relations of exploitation. All this is the bureaucratic path, whose
protagonists collude and struggle in order to better serve the
counter-revolutionary tasks, the core of which is how to defend and maintain
the old and rotten state, all of which we will discuss later in this document.
The class nature of the Chilean state, the Armed
Forces and opportunism
True, much is expected of universal suffrage, but it
can offer no more than an index to measure to some extent the discontent of the
masses with regard to the demands of the people on which the electioneers
traffic, but elections can never change the class nature of the Chilean state,
as a joint dictatorship of landlords and big bourgeoisie. Lenin said that
“except for power, all is illusion”.
In days like today when appeals are made to the
“common good”, to “happiness” and that “it will be beautiful”, it is more
important and fundamental than ever to turn to the classics to clarify fundamental
questions such as those related to the doctrine of the state. Precisely today,
when there are more than a few political analysts who recognise that Boric and
Apruebo Dignidad’s victory is the greatest electoral and political victory of
the “left” in the history of the country (even greater than Allende’s), to
which we should add the Plebiscite and the Constitutional Convention.
Marx concluded that: “The origin of states gets lost
in a myth that one may believe but may not discuss.” (The Class Struggles in
France from 1848 to 1850. Karl Marx).
Later Lenin warned that “the question of the state is
a most complex and difficult one, perhaps one that more than any other has been
confused by bourgeois scholars, writers and philosophers.” (On the State, Lenin,
1919).
The state is organised violence, the organised
violence of one class over another, said the classics of Marxism, and this has
not changed one millimetre.
However, for a long time now in our country, both in
the government and in the opposition (mainly the electioneers) have been trying
to make the people believe that the state is an arena or a playing field where
political power is disputed between all the contenders through elections
(although we all know that if things become ungovernable, they are quickly
resolved by military coups). Success and failure in this contest is measured by
votes, with the electoral majority and by winning the executive, opportunism
has promised that it will be taking the first step to implement “structural
changes”, and thus put an end to what they call “neoliberalism” (which again
has nothing to do with it). And so, by steadily increasing the electorate until
electoral majorities are reached again and again, then, by this parsimonious
accumulation of forces and with an “attenuated presidentialism” as revisionism
calls it, a new society will be reached. Undoubtedly, the proposal of
“attenuated presidentialism” of the revisionists in the Convention is a
euphemism, because, in order to face the present sharp class struggle, they
will need an increasing centralisation of political power and there is no doubt
that the great support for this opportunist government will necessarily have to
be the Armed Forces and the Forces of Order, the backbone of the old state.
Opportunism (Frente Amplio, PS, and others),
revisionism, i.e. Boric, Tellier et al. (a specific form of opportunism that
traffics in Marxism-Leninism), with nuances, pretend to make us believe that it
is possible to reconcile interests through a new correlation of electoral
forces. And they can even go further and recognise, when it suits them because
ambiguity is their means, that society is divided into classes, and that the
state is a field of struggle that can be conquered for the benefit of the
people. This is the illusion they try to spread. To reaffirm this idea, they
are raising the Constitutional Convention and the struggle in the first two
years of Boric’s government will focus on the approval of the new
constitutional text in the so-called exit plebiscite, on the one hand. But on
the other hand, the main thing will be to contain popular discontent and the
legitimate armed violence of the Mapuche masses, creating a buffer to cushion
the class struggle and give the old state a chance to survive. They want to win
two years by calling to take care of the “victories” they have achieved.
That is why it is necessary to be very emphatic in
pointing out that the Chilean state, like any state, is the product and
manifestation of the irreconcilable character of class contradictions. It is
the organised violence exercised by some classes over others. It is not
possible under present conditions to reconcile the classes. The Chilean state
represents the interests of the big bourgeoisie and the big landowners, mainly
in the service of US imperialism.
That is also why it must be persistently denounced
that the illusion with which opportunism and revisionism are peddling is that
after successive “progressive” governments the class nature of the old state
will be changed. Even revisionism dupes its rank and file with a “military
policy”, with its “acquisitions” of the past and that in an uncertain future
after a prolonged parsimonious accumulation of forces (i.e., sunk in the mire
of parliamentary cretinism) the insurrection will suddenly come and they will
triumph. This is the social-corporatist strategy which will probably not even
be able to develop state monopoly capital, as the revisionists long for. It
will, in turn, be the justification for demanding that the people’s movement
does not make “olitas” to the governments of opportunism and if necessary (as
it surely will be) to repress the “excesses” of the people, and to try to crush
the development of violent protest by the masses.
In this sense, something that does not change one
millimetre is the tutelage that the armed forces ultimately exercise over the
rest of the bureaucracy of the landlord-bureaucratic state. As the backbone of
the old and rotten state, the armed forces today exercise strong control in the
shadows, constituting in perspective the real government of salvation of the
reactionary classes when their interests are threatened by the militant
struggle of the people. From this point of view, the Armed Forces are the
pillar on which the interests of the big bourgeoisie and landowners rest,
interests at the service of imperialism, mainly US imperialism. This work as a
pillar of the joint dictatorship of the ruling classes is not opposed to their
corporate or rather closed and self-referential group behaviour, which is
useful in the end to fulfil their role as mastiffs of big capital and the big
landowners, as can be seen from the bloody pages of their opprobrious history.
The armed forces will sooner or later stage a coup
d’état, whether under a civilian or military masquerade, both in the sense of
their corporate interests as well as in the field of defending the interests of
imperialism and its lackeys. In the corporate sense because they do not want
their trade union interests (if one can put it that way) to be affected. They
are worried that future “left” governments will affect their financial
stability, or their status, or that other types of guards will be created to
counterbalance them. On the latter, some champions of order in the context of
the constitutional debate on defence are speaking out.
As for the defence of the interests of US imperialism
and its lackeys, the Chilean armed forces have amply demonstrated their staunch
defence of these interests. Its military commanders have been trained in the
Yankee military schools. Even men like Luksic (“powerful man”, a prominent
member of the big bourgeoisie) have financed postgraduate studies of Chilean
officers in the USA, indeed, he himself has participated in military training
given by the army, becoming a reserve officer in the same.
We reiterate, at the risk of being a bore: the Chilean
state is not an organ of class conciliation, it is a joint dictatorship of the
big bourgeoisie and big landowners in the service of imperialism and against
the revolutionary classes, against the people and their legitimate
organisations and struggles. The people can only fully conquer political power
by demolishing this old state and its backbone through people’s war.
Fascism and corporativism
There is no doubt that today Boric is useful to
contain the revolution. He has emerged thanks to demolitionism and has also
known how to ride on the back of student and popular struggles, as well as
being there at the right moments when his presence was required, such as at the
signing of the Peace Accord in 2019. But the fundamental problems he faces will
have to be solved at the head of the counterrevolution either with a greater
reactionarisation of bourgeois democracy or with fascist forms, what is certain
is that he presents and presented fascist positions: as “Autonomous” he went
against the political parties, the parliament and the demoliberal order, then
he uses them to climb, and today with false humility he presents himself as the
“leader” of the “process”. It is important to clarify that fascism is the
negation of bourgeois liberties, it is not only the terror of the big
bourgeoisie and the big landowners, or the stereotypical positions of the brown
shirts before the end of the imperialist World War II. Of course neither is it
the caricature of Kast, reactionary as he is.
It is good to insist that demo-bourgeois forms and
demoliberal ideologies at a certain moment of sharpening class struggle are
insufficient to contain the revolution, hence the need for fascism. That is why
another key aspect is that of corporatisation. The so-called “social movements”
(in their different expressions) which are part of or are on the tail of the
present government and the Convention, need to be corporatised in order to gain
time and get the exit plebiscite approved, with this they seek to stifle the
masses under a top-down command, all this disguised as “full participation” or
“direct democracy”, impossible obsurdities, because a real popular democracy
will not emerge until the old state is demolished. But they are racing against
the clock. Despite the propaganda of the new government and its supporters the
mass struggle, popular protest will continue to develop as the living
conditions of the masses worsen as a consequence of the system itself, which is
living in a general crisis and is already beginning to show clear signs of
collapse. Undoubtedly, nothing will fall without a blow.
The restructuring of the old state, part of which is
being carried out in the Constitutional Convention, is intended to become the
only legitimate channel for the “outbreak”, i.e. corporatisation, although it
is far from being completed. They ride over the masses, just as the Boric
government has been doing, only this time the student movement has taken up the
path of struggle again, despite the declarations of a handful of corporatised
little leaders in La Moneda.
Together with the Convention, this government will be
presented with the historical dilemma of setting up a corporative structure (a
question not concluded by Ibáñez in the 1920s, by Grove and Dávila in the 1930s
and by Allende and Pinochet in the 1970s and 1980s) under the false pretext of
combating the economic groups (“economic right”), the richest and most
privileged. It is a corporate social reordering under a fascist policy, but
still preserving demoliberal appearances.
We conclude this part with a forceful quote from
Chairman Gonzalo: “Questioning parliament is a basic position of fascism that
aims against the traditional bourgeois-democratic state structure, based on the
denial of the principles, freedoms and rights established in the 18th century,
which postulates corporate organisation and maximises reactionary violence, all
in the name of the most unbridled class dictatorship of the bourgeoisie…”.
“Historically, fascism has developed most at critical moments for the old
state, mainly when revolution threatens to overthrow the outdated dominant
order but post-World War II fascism cannot, to this day, openly unfold as such,
let alone coalesce corporatisation, despite its many attempts and
‘theorisations’: ‘democratic corporatism’, ‘full participation democracy’,
‘social democracy’, etc.” (1991)
The three counter-revolutionary tasks
Three are the most important counter-revolutionary
tasks which the various sectors of reaction, in collusion and struggle, have
been carrying out for years: to boost bureaucratic capitalism, to restructure
the state and to prevent the revolution. These tasks are applied mainly in the
service of US imperialism. These three tasks are inseparably linked.
1. Re-launching bureaucratic capitalism
In 2021, the World Bank published a report on Chile
(“Pieces for Development: Policy Briefs for Chile”), which states: “Low
productivity growth, fuelled by a lack of continued progress on structural
reforms and the end of the commodity boom, led to a slowdown in growth that
averaged only 2% in the six years prior to the COVID-19 pandemic”. It then
adds, “Progress on equity also stalled, affecting not only productivity growth
but also social cohesion.” “This left a large section of society disconnected
from development and explain some of the demands of the 2019 social outburst.”
This body mandated by US imperialism is evidence of
the needs of the US for its semi-colonies to contribute more capital to
overcome the crisis in which it finds itself. The “structural reforms” point in
the same direction as this government, which has more legitimacy than that of
Piñera. The problem of productivity has to do with how to exploit the
proletariat and the people more. For the World Bank, all this requires
maintaining macroeconomic balances, stimulating growth and productivity.
On the other hand, the autonomy of the central bank
will be left unchanged. FA, PS, INN lined up for that. The central bank since
1925 has been a tool that has increasingly served to deepen our semi-colonial
condition.
Boric, Tellier, Vallejo and co., PS and FA,
opportunists and revisionists federate to reinstate a group of the bureaucratic
fraction of the big bourgeoisie. They themselves, careerists, are on the way to
becoming a bureaucratic fraction of the big bourgeoisie, what some
petty-bourgeois historians call “state entrepreneurship”. They defend the
interests of state monopoly capital (it is not state capitalism). These same
interests are expressed in sections of the Convention that call for the
nationalisation of mining or other resources. This will not eliminate
bureaucratic capitalism, but rather try to revive it and pull it out of the
deep general crisis in which it finds itself, as the World Bank itself notes.
This bureaucratic bourgeoisie seeks to regain the economic ground on which it
retreated in 1973. Engels already said in the 19th century that the nationalisation
of private capital enterprises is not socialism. Monopoly capital, whether
state or private, does not lose its class nature, and is a social relation of
exploitation of the revolutionary classes, of the people.
On this very point Chairman Gonzalo pointed out “…it
is not enough for a regime to attack the oligarchy or to propose to reclaim
natural wealth or to talk of handing over the land to those who work it for it
to be considered revolutionary; it could be, as when Leguía was in power today,
a renewal of the intermediary bourgeoisie and the development of bureaucratic
capitalism”. (PG, La problemática nacional, 1974)
2. State restructuring
The Chilean state is restructured to cushion the
clashes between the classes. The central problem for the reactionary classes,
as we said above, is how to defend and maintain the old state. The Chilean
state, this power apparently situated above society and called upon to buffer
conflict and keep it within the limits of ‘order’, urgently needs to be readjusted,
restructured, so that the warring classes in the old society do not devour
themselves.
Where the state structured according to the particular
situation of the class struggle at a given moment weakens or some of its
functions break down, the risk arises that antagonisms will overflow the
politically constructed channels to contain them. That is the moment when the
restructuring of the state becomes necessary.
The Boric government has been making announcements of
all kinds, but all of them have as their main task to pacify the country. They
will seek to apply a set of measures to stifle the class struggle, to corrupt
the most militant sectors of the masses with false promises of change or to
subdue them with jail, repression and death. The future interior minister has
been making a persistent call to pacify the centre of the capital. She seeks to
create public opinion in order to strike harder at popular protest and
delegitimise it, serving counter-revolutionary plans. The manager of this
rotten old state, Gabriel Boric Font, in his new tone of despotic voice, warns
that the rule of law must be respected in the IX and VIII region. The chosen
cabinet is tailor-made for Yankee imperialism. The finance minister is an
arch-approved US vassal.
They claim that the Constitutional Convention is the
continuation of the “social explosion”. At every moment in the media, not a few
convention members are accusing their participation in the “explosion”, and
that the struggle and political disputes in the Convention is the heir of the
violent street struggle of the masses in 2019.
There are clear counterrevolutionary tasks that Boric
must carry out as a good servant of imperialism and the various factions of the
big bourgeoisie. Secretly, as an expression of his sibylline style, he has made
agreements with US imperialism, taking sides with them in the war of aggression
of Russian imperialism on the Ukrainian people.
The revisionists of the Tellier/Carmona/Vallejo clique
have previously participated in the concertationist management, they have long
experience of dealing with the interests of the people. In the
counter-revolutionary task of readjusting the state, as hardened opportunists,
they seek not only to “surround” the Convention with mobilisations, but rather
to corporativise the mass movement.
The alleged deepening of democracy, the participation
of the “social movement” in the new management is part of the readjustments to
corporatise the masses. This restructuring of the state is a
counter-revolutionary task, because they need to contain, divert or
“institutionalise” the class struggle, corporatisation is an old dream of a
sector of the big bourgeoisie and its representatives, it is a way of striking
at the growing popular protest in the countryside and in the city, especially
the armed struggle of the poor Mapuche peasantry. But this false
democratisation has nothing to do with the real solution to the fundamental
problems of our country, such as the land problem, semi-feudalism, imperialist
domination and bureaucratic capitalism, problems that will only be solved by a
new democratic revolution through people’s war.
Conjuring the revolution
Boric said of the Mapuche struggle that “it is an
issue in which we have to take responsibility, a conflict between the Chilean
state and the Mapuche nation”, adding that “we have decided on a path, which is
the path of dialogue, and this dialogue will annoy those who believe that
through violence or confrontation, things can be achieved”. He said that “it is
a historical and political conflict”, not just one of public order. Recently,
the undersecretary of the interior Manuel Monsalve (Socialist Party) referred
to the Mapuche struggle and indicated that Boric’s mandate is to “recover
dialogue, recover the presence of the state, and assume that here we have a
highly complex political conflict”, adding that “we believe that what is
happening in the Constitutional Convention is very coherent, where it is being
written that our country is plurinational, that the political rights of the native
peoples are being written”. In another intervention, he maintained that “we do
not want to impose, but I think we have also been clear”…. “We will use the
tool of dialogue, we are not partisan, we do not share impositions, we do not
share threats and we do not share violence”. Days later, after analysing the
facts of rural violence and statements by Mapuche resistance organisations, he
brought together a “Police Committee” (a meeting with the General Director of
Carabineros, the National Director of Order and Security, the Director of
Intelligence, and from the PDI the Deputy Director of Intelligence, Organised
Crime and Migratory Security and the Deputy Director of Police and Criminal
Investigation) Monsalve concluded by saying: “we are going to talk and dialogue
with all those who are available to achieve the peace and tranquillity that the
entire national territory deserves”, “under threat and under acts of violence
there is no possibility of dialogue or agreement with the government” “those
who take the path of violence, tell them that there is another way, that it
seems to us that the path of dialogue is the way to confront the structural
problem that exists in the Araucanía Region and in the south of Chile” in
addition to announcing that they will combat poverty and territorial
inequality, In other words, a counter-insurgency strategy to try to win hearts
and souls by riding on the needs of the masses of the poor Mapuche peasantry,
in order to continue the repressive measures in stages, and although he
announced that he would not extend the state of emergency, the militarisation
of the area has been a matter that has been denounced for years.
“Low-intensity warfare proposes: linking the military
to the political; linking military action to social and economic reforms;
developing military action complemented by intelligence, psychological
operations, civic action and control of the population and resources; and
legitimisation, which demands respect for human rights”. Respect for human
rights is merely a declaration of good intentions.
The measures that have been taken against the just and
correct armed struggle of the Mapuche people are those that will be taken as
soon as the struggle develops in the rest of the country, both in the
countryside and in the cities.
When it is proposed to prevent the revolution, it is
to prevent the risks of the revolution, it is to prevent it from rising to a
higher form of struggle, that is to say that it will develop through people’s
war, it is the continuation of the class struggle but by military means.
However, there can be neither people’s war nor its victory without an authentic
Communist Party, without a people’s guerrilla army, without a revolutionary
front, three fundamental instruments to carry victory to the end. Today the
communists of Chile, the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists, need to reconstitute the
Party that Recabarren founded 100 years ago. Only with a reconstituted general
staff can the proletariat and the people triumph. That is why conjuring up the
revolution as well as “pacifying” the country requires the reactionary classes
to conjure up the reconstitution of the Communist Party, as a militarised
Marxist-Leninist-Maoist party. In perspective, the counter-revolutionary tasks
are aimed at preventing the Chilean revolution from integrating the scientific
ideology of the proletariat, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, and
the universally valid contributions of Chairman Gonzalo. But it is inevitable
that the movement of the deep and profound masses, that the violent popular
protest will develop in the direction of merging with the communist movement
pushing for reconstitution. Tactically it is a problem of time plus time minus,
but strategically it is a historical and political necessity.
That is why the old state, through its new government,
relies and will rely even more on “low-intensity warfare”, on conquering hearts
and souls, on declaring the alleged failure of socialism and the expiry of
Marxism, or trafficking in pseudo-Marxism to continue the exploitation and
oppression of the people, i.e. rotten revisionism like that of the
Tellier-Carmona clique.
They are trying to pass off a new government and the
Constitutional Convention as a “revolution” (pure illusions), in order to
conjure up the inevitable real national-democratic revolution that the people
need and demand. That is why the restructuring of the old state, without being
able to eliminate or sweep away with a new constitution or a new government the
character of a joint dictatorship of big landowners and big bourgeoisie, at the
service of imperialism, will sooner or later have to develop under a more
reactionary bourgeois democracy or under a fascist regime that will carry
forward the corporatisation of the popular movement. Boric is debating between
these two reactionary exits and his government is already showing evidence of
fascist and corporatist positions that are taking shape in the text of the new
constitution.
The road of the people: democratic revolution
They have failed to pacify the masses with false
promises of reforms whose costs we know will ultimately fall brutally on the
class and the people. For more than a decade, popular protest throughout the
country has shown a sustained rise in its most violent expressions. Within this
historical and political trend there are ebbs and flows, a high point in the
tide being the rebellion of October 2019. This revolutionary mass uprising had
in the Mapuche flags a symbol of rebellion. This identity has to do with the
revolutionary violence that the masses of poor Mapuche peasants have been
deploying, an armed rebellion that is mainly against large landowners (among
them the large forestry estates).
The riot is the embryo of political consciousness, the
explosion of October 18, its fundamentally violent character, contains key
questions about mass revolutionary violence. The continuation of the October
rebellion, in strategic and military perspective, is the armed insurrection in
the main cities as an integral part of the people’s war, where the countryside
is the main thing and the city a complement. The armed struggle of the poor
Mapuche peasantry (mainly the Mapuche) preceded the uprising of 2019, and was
precisely a symbol of the rebellion. The October rebellion is in synthesis part
of the class struggle for the conquest of power by the class and the people.
Without a revolutionary general staff, without a militarised Communist Party,
this will never be achieved.
As Recabarren said, we can expect nothing from
parliament, nothing from elections, nothing from the courts of justice and much
less from the governments (civil or military) created under the old society.
The proletariat and the people can expect nothing from their oppressors but
chains. Today, the elections, the demorepresentative institutions serve to
beautify the old and rotten landlord-bureaucratic state. On the other hand, the
proletariat has itself to emancipate itself, and in doing so it will emancipate
the whole of humanity. But it needs its General Staff, its Party, its
militarised Communist Party, a party based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism,
principally Maoism.
The expectations and the avalanche of illusions
provoked by electoral demagogy will sooner or later end up crushing opportunism
itself, leaving firmly in place the people’s hope for a tomorrow without rich
and poor, without exploited and exploiters, great advances that can only come
about by the hand of people’s war, the only possible way to carry the victory
of the new democratic revolution to the end, to advance uninterruptedly to
socialism and through cultural revolutions to golden communism.
There exists in the country a powerful reality, that
reality is the masses, with a great history, ignored, but every time they stand
up the earth trembles, reaction cackles in terror, only with blood have they
appeased their fury, and the opportunist lackeys seek to divert and hinder the
march of the masses. Peasant masses, workers’ masses. Increasingly, more and
more sections of the masses are realising the necessity of violence, of its
organisation and elevation to higher forms of its deployment. This is in
perfect harmony with the fact that revolution is a historical and political
trend in the country and in the world. These are times of war.
We said that “participation” and “social movements”
have been a key issue for corporatisation in the current political situation.
But popular protest will not stop, despite the opportunist government’s attempts
to divert, appease and contain it. Our task is to unite with the depths and
depths of the basic masses, the poor masses, to mobilise them and develop
popular protest.
The path of the people is to fight against this
corporatisation, to defend their gains and to achieve others. Moving towards
the beginning of the people’s war, the only way to destroy their main enemies
and achieve the victory of the democratic revolution.
A genuine revolution demands the demolition of the old
state, the confiscation of the big property of the big bourgeoisie and big
landowners, the expulsion of imperialism and the confiscation of its assets,
which are the basic questions for the implementation of the programme of new
democracy. For this, the targets of the revolution must be very clear: mainly
US imperialism, semi-feudalism and bureaucratic capitalism.
April 2022
Red Faction of the Communist Party of Chile
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