Freitag, 17. Februar 2017

Kämpft und leistet Widerstand gegen den G20-Gipfel in Hamburg!

Heraus zum Kampf gegen den Imperialismus und seine Lakaien: Kämpft und leistet Widerstand gegen den G20-Gipfel in Hamburg!

January 16, 2017


Der G20-Gipfel in Hamburg im Juli diesen Jahres wird auf massiven Widerstand stoßen. DemonstrantInnen aus der gesamten Bundesrepublik werden gemeinsam mit Menschen aus ganz Europa und anderen Teilen der Welt, ihre Wut und ihre Ablehnung gegenüber diesem Treffen der schlimmsten Mörder- und Räuberbande der ganzen Welt, in vielfältiger Form zum Ausdruck bringen – und das ist sehr gut.
Wir werden an diesem Kampf teilnehmen, um gemeinsam mit anderen revolutionären und konsequent antiimperialistischen Kräften ein deutliches Signal an die ArbeiterInnenklasse in Deutschland, so wie an die Unterdrückten und Ausgebeuteten in der ganze Welt senden: Auch hier wird gegen die Imperialisten und seine Lakaien gekämpft, wir werden ihnen keine Ruhe lassen und deren Traum eines “ruhigen Hinterlands” wird zu Asche zerfallen!
In diesem Sinne mobilisieren wir auf der folgenden Grundlage:
Kein Frieden mit den Imperialismus!
Was ist der Imperialismus, heute? Der Imperialismus ist kein einzelner monolithischer Block und ist auch nicht in unterschiedliche Blöcke aufgeteilt. Der Imperialismus , als Stadium des Kapitalismus, ist ein System auf Weltebene. Aber die imperialistischen Kräfte, die politischen Mächte existieren in einem Zustand von Verschwörung und Zwist. Sie kämpfen untereinander, um die Herrschaft in der Welt, um Märkte, Rohstoffe, und Dominanzzonen usw. Wie die Räuber schlagen sie sich um die Beute. Aber sie kämpfen auch gemeinsam gegen die Völker der Welt, gegen das internationale Proletariat und gegen jede Kraft, die ihre Herrschaft insgesamt in Frage stellt. Die stärkste der imperialistischen Mächte sind heute die USA. Der Yankee-Imperialismus ist der Weltgendarm der Konterrevolution, und daher der Hauptfeind der Völker der Welt. Die einzige Macht, die den Yankee-Imperialismus überhaupt direkt militärisch herausfordern kann, ist der russische Imperialismus, was die Entwicklungen insbesondere in der Ukraine und in Syrien sehr deutlich zeigen. Der russische Imperialismus kann dies auf Basis seines nuklearen Erbes. Vor allem die USA können die anderen imperialistischen Mächte herumkommandieren und dominieren.
Es ist sehr wichtig nicht in die Falle “Alle gegen Trump”, unter dem Vorwand etwas wie eine “demokratische Front” mit dem deutsche Imperialismus zu bilden, hinein zu tappen. Trump repräsentiert eine Fraktion der herrschenden Klasse in den USA, die unter anderem die EU spalten will, was vor allem erfordert die BRD politisch, ökonomisch und militärisch zu schwächen. Die Herrschenden in der BRD träumen davon sich zu einer neuen hegemonialen Macht aufzuschwingen, damit sie so um die Weltherrschaft ringen könnten – zum dritten Mal. Das ist der Kern des Widerspruchs zwischen den USA und der BRD. Es ist nicht ein Kampf zwischen dem “Faschisten Trump” und der “Demokratin Merkel”, wie die staatstreuen Propagandaposaunen es darstellen. Trump repräsentiert die einzige hegemoniale Weltmacht und als solche den Hauptfeind der Völker der Welt. In der BRD repräsentiert Merkel die imperialistische Bourgeoise und entsprechend den Hauptfeind der Arbeiterklasse und aller Unterdrückten in diesem Land. Die Proteste gegen den G20-Gipfel dürfen auf keinen Fall auf die “böseren” ausländischen Imperialisten oder faschistoide Reaktionäre wie Erdogan reduziert werden, sondern sie müssen sich auch konsequent gegen den BRD-Imperialismus richten.
Das imperialistische System ist die Quelle des Krieges, des Hungers, der Armut, des Elends und zerstört in seiner Profit- und Machtgier sogar die Umwelt in einem so massiven Umfang, dass die physischen Voraussetzungen für das Leben der Menschen in immer weiteren Teilen der Welt bedroht sind. Der Imperialismus ist der Todfeind des Fortschritts und der Bedürfnisse der absoluten Mehrheit der Weltbevölkerung. Es kann keinen Frieden mit ihm geben. Er muss vernichtet werden, durch die proletarische Weltrevolution.
Gegen Ausbeutung und Unterdrückung!
Unabhängig davon, welche Unterschiede es unter den Vertretern der Teilnehmer des G20-Treffen gibt, sind sie alle politische Vertreter von imperialistischen und reaktionären Staaten. Es ist egal, wie sie sich zu maskieren versuchen. Sie sind keine Freunde im Kampf für die Beseitigung der Ausbeutung und der Unterdrückung, sondern im Gegenteil diejenigen, die die direkte Verantwortung für deren Aufrechterhaltung tragen. Sie sind Feinde des internationalen Proletariats und der Völker der Welt.
Überall auf der Welt verschärft sich die Ausbeutung: Auch hier in der BRD wächst die Ausbeutung des Proletariats. Immer mehr Menschen leben in Armut, trotzdem sie jeden Tag ihre Arbeitskraft verkaufen. In der EU zeigt die Entwicklung in Staaten wie Griechenland und Kroatien, um nur zwei Beispiele zu nennen, dass von der “Europäischen Union” Armut und Hunger kommt, und dass diese imperialistische Allianz unter Führung der BRD ein Projekt der Ausbeuter ist. In Osteuropa und auf dem Balkan sind die Lebensbedingungen der ArbeiterInnenklasse und der breiten Volksmassen so prekär, dass die reaktionären Regierungen ein massives Problem damit haben, die Massen niederhalten zu können. In den unterdrückten Ländern Asiens, Afrikas und Lateinamerikas ist die Illusion über die “Vorteile” der sogenannten “Globalisierung” längst verschwunden und erneut ist der reformistische Traum über “Fortschritt” durch opportunistische Regierungen geplatzt. Die Armut und das Elend treibt die Massen immer wieder in größere und noch größere Konfrontation mit den Lakaien des Imperialismus.
Gleichzeitig setzen die Imperialisten auf eine immer massivere Unterdrückung, imperialistische Aggressionskriege gegen jede Form von Widerstand, massive Militarisierung der eigenen Staaten, massive Überwachung der eigenen Bevölkerung und eine forcierte Entwicklung der faschistischen Bewegungen. Unterdrückung aber bringt Widerstand. Überall auf der Welt kämpfen Menschen heldenhaft gegen die herrschende “Ordnung”. Das Problem ist, dass es in den meisten Ländern an einer Kraft mangelt, die diesen Kampf organisiert und in eine wahrhaft revolutionäre Richtung führt.
Proletarier aller Länder und unterdrückte Völker vereinigt euch!
Wir wollen mit Allen und Jedem, die gegen die Verbrecher der G20 kämpfen und Widerstand leisten, zusammen stehen, egal welche Form zu agieren sie wählen. Wir lehnen entschieden jede Spaltung in “gute und böse DemonstrantInnen” ab und wir lehnen jede Zusammenarbeit mit Kräften, die andere DemonstrantInnen denunzieren oder die bürgerliche Presse als Plattform für Angriffe auf RevolutionärInnen nutzen, ab. Unsere Gegner sind die Imperialisten und ihre Lakaien!
In Mitten der vielfältigen Formen des Widerstands werden wir kämpfen, um eine klare internationalistische und revolutionäre Botschaft an die in der ganzen Welt gegen den Imperialismus Kämpfenden zu senden: Wir stehen zusammen mit euch, euer Kampf ist unserer! Diese Botschaft senden wir u.a. an die armen Bauern in Brasilien, die ihre Leben geben, um eine große Revolution zu entfalten; wir senden diese Botschaft an alle, die in Kurdistan, Syrien und dem Irak gegen die imperialistische Aggression kämpfen; wir senden diese Botschaft an die GenossInnen, die in den Volkskriegen in Peru, der Türkei, in Indien und auf den Philippinen ihr Leben geben, um die Revolution zu Ende zu führen; wir senden diese Botschaft an all diejenigen, die gegen den Genozid und die drakonische Repression des Erdoganregimes in der Türkei die Fahne des Widerstandes hochhalten; wir senden diese Botschaft an die, die in den Kerkern der Reaktion überall auf der Welt die Fahnen der Rebellion hochhalten; wir senden diese Botschaft an die KommunistInnen und RevolutionärInnen die in den imperialistischen Ländern, trotz aller ihrer Unterschiede gemeinsam kämpfen, um die imperialistische Bestie zu zerschlagen.
Wir werden unsere Aktivitäten gemeinsam mit allen, die konsequent gegen den Gipfel auftreten, entfalten. Wir laden alle, die dies mit uns gemeinsam machen wollen, ein, unsere Kräfte zu verbinden.
Nieder mit dem Imperialismus und all seinen Lakaien!
Die Rebellion ist gerechtfertigt!
Es lebe der Proletarischen Internationalismus!
Für den Kommunismus!
Unterstützende Organisationen (Stand 14. Februar 2017):
Internationalistisches Kollektiv Berlin
Kollektiv Rotes Hamburg
Kommunistischer Aufbau
Revolutionärer Aufbau Bremen
Revolutionärer Aufbau Waterkant

Veranstaltungen: Über den Kampf der armen Bauern und die Frauenbewegung in Brasilien / Meetings: On the struggle of the poor peasants and the women's

 
MITINS SOBRE LA LUCHA DE LOS CAMPESINOS POBRE Y LAS MUJERES EN BRASIL
 

Celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution with People’s War until communism!


Proletarians of all countries, unite!

Celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution with People’s War until communism!

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR) constitutes the highest milestone in the history of the class struggle of the proletariat. This year marks 50 years from its initiation in 1966 and within the context of the 50th anniversary, the communist parties and organizations that sign this declaration consider it fundamental take a stand on this great event. The GPCR is principally a political revolution, and given its significance, it must mobilize every communist and revolutionary to propagandise it in a bold and determined way. But this is not enough, at the same time, it is necessary to develop a sharp struggle against revisionism and all opportunism which is aiming to present the GPCR as separated from the current problems of the ICM.

The lessons from the GPCR demand a clear demarcation and brand the revisionists who are trying to haggle with it, generate confusion and catch gullibles. We need to see clearly that the revisionist and capitulationist line in Peru – today with an own organization PCP/MOVADEF and the clique of José in VRAE –, the avakianism with its absurdity of the “new synthesis”, prachandism and its “socialism of the 21th century” and its “multiparty competition”, among other dreadful expressions of the new revisionism, trying to portray Chairman Mao into an ordinary liberal and reinterpret the GPCR as an event without validity and revolutionary sharpness. Their vile lies smash into pieces by the strategic offensive of the proletarian world revolution and the campaign for Maoism we are developing. Instead, the international proletariat, full of communist pride, hoisting its undamaged red flag, to higher peaks, is going to advance in a tireless struggle towards the classless society, the communist society. Hoist, defend and apply Maoism!

 

On the international situation and class struggle

The current international situation would be incomprehensible without the theory of class struggle and its development by Maoism. Only through this theory we understand that the fundamental contradictions of this epoch are the ones between oppressed nations and imperialism, between proletariat and bourgeoisie and inter-imperialists contradictions, that today the contradiction between socialism and capitalism exists only in the ideological and historical field and that the main contradiction is between oppressed nations and imperialism; that imperialism comprises the powers and super-powers that develop through collusion and rivalry, and the oppressed countries, the Third World, are the loot of the struggle for the distribution of the world, at the same time they are the base of the world revolution and revolutionary storm centres; that the revolution is the main political and historical tendency; and that the proletarian world revolution is in its third phase, the strategic offensive, an epoch of the ‘next 50 to 100 years’, in which imperialism is decaying further and will be completely swept away by the proletarian world revolution through the world people’s war, a process that was initiated by the new great wave of the proletarian world revolution.

In the relation to this understanding of the three fundamental contradictions in the current world – a decisive issue which is negated by the new revisionism – about which the main struggles of Marxism and revisionism are taking place.

Lenin teaches: “The economic relationships of imperialism constitute the basis of the existing international situation. The history of the XX Century has been defined completely by this new phase of capitalism, its last and highest phase”; and that the world’s division between oppressed nations and oppressing nations is a distinct characteristic of imperialism. Therefore, to understand the current situation we cannot start from the fundamental contradiction of capitalism, since we are in its superior and last phase, imperialism.

One of the laws of class struggle is violence, exacerbated in the epoch of imperialism, since imperialism is war and political reaction all along the line. The imperialist oppression transforms the oppressed nations into areas of distribution, meaning in economic territories turned into colonies or semi-colonies of one or another imperialist power or super-power. The imperialists strive for the partition of those countries and the new distribution to reconfigure the map of the so-called Greater Middle East through the war of aggression, in the midst of a sharp conflict for maintaining their hegemony and the search for a way out of its profound economic crisis. The civil war in Syria is an expression of this law.

The events in the so-called Middle East represent an oddly assorted accumulation of indecipherable facts without perspective, without the important tool of analysis and transformation, which is the theory of class struggle, applied to the international situation it includes the thesis of Chairman Mao on ‘three worlds that are delineated’. To comprehend such a complex panorama, like what is going on in Syria, Iraq or Turkey - where an intricate coming and going of millions of human lives permanently drives the historical development - we need to firmly grab the class struggle. Only by applying the theory of class struggle and including the fundamental contradictions of the current world it is possible to comprehend that the so-called Middle East today forms the part of the globe where the fundamental contradictions are converging; that the imperialist war of aggression is for the dismemberment and new distribution of those oppressed countries – unleashed there since the early 1990ies - sharpening all the contradictions and spurring the revolution; that the main thing for us is to struggle to lead the storm of the armed struggle of the oppressed nations which is rising there against imperialism, mainly Yankee imperialism, without disregarding the atomic superpower Russia and all the other imperialist powers; and that the current problem is that the struggle is not developing correctly due to the lack of political guidance by the Communist Party.

Starting from what Chairman Mao developed, we can comprehend the current situation of countries like Ukraine, Syria, Iraq, Libya and Afghanistan, where two fundamental contradictions sharpen and three forces act. The two contradictions are: 1) the contradiction between oppressed nations/people and imperialism, main contradiction, and 2) the inter-imperialist contradiction, secondary contradiction. The three forces are: 1) US-imperialism, sole hegemonic superpower, and its temporally allies; 2) the atomic superpower Russia, and its temporally allies; 3) the oppressed nations, including all its classes and national minorities, excepting a bunch of traitors, followers of the theory of national subjugation. These forces (oppressed nations and national minorities) are temporary and relatively weak, since the Communist Party which unifies them in the United Front against the imperialist aggression is still missing, to prevent them from being used as peons or boots on the ground by the imperialists.

To solve the main contradiction in these countries, a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Party is needed to lead a United Front of national resistance, capable of uniting all the willing forces to fight to defeat the imperialist invader and culminate the revolution of new democracy through people’s war. It is not to misinterpret what was clearly established by Chairman Mao about the independency and self-determination inside the United Front. The desire for freedom of the peoples of the so-called Middle East and the desire to throw off every foreign yoke will not be anything else but illusions if Communist Parties are not constituted or reconstituted, according to the situation, which are firmly grasping the laws of class struggle and in consequence, transform their armed struggles into peoples’ wars.

We insist, without the real proletarian leadership and its organized vanguard, the national struggle - including the struggle of the national minorities - is condemned to serve any command staff, and such it is condemned to subjugation. These are ineluctable laws of the development of class struggle and to try denying them or declaring them outdated or for anything else, is revisionism.

Both, in the current international situation and in the struggle for the establishment and defence of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the class struggle is the guideline that allows us to connect every event to each other and to find and handle the laws which influence its development. Therefore, we must study the international situation in the light of Maoism. And it is in the light of Maoism that we must struggle to lead the revolution in each country, as part and to serve the proletarian world revolution.

 

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution – GPCR

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution constitutes, historically and politically, the highest expression of the proletarian class struggle on international level, the defence of the dictatorship of the proletariat, conceived as an all-round dictatorship over the bourgeois.

In a society divided by classes, the class struggle is a historic law. The Marxists, in consequence, apply it to all phenomena of social life, recognizing it in the most diverse expressions of contemporary life. The class struggle develops in the ideological, political, economic and military fields; but above all it is fundamental to comprehend that the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat. As the great Lenin said: “Only he is a Marxist who extends the recognition of the class struggle to the recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat”. In this sense, the GPCR is the struggle for the establishment of the all-around dictatorship of the proletariat, the recognition of the objective existence of classes in the whole period of construction of socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat, of antagonistic contradictions between classes, of the bourgeoisie inside the party itself and of the continuation of class struggle during the whole period of socialism until communism.

And like it was established since the beginning of the GPCR: “Although the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it is still trying to use the old ideas, culture, customs and habits of the exploiting classes to corrupt the masses, capture their minds and endeavour to stage a comeback. The proletariat must do the exact opposite: it must meet head-on every challenge of the bourgeoisie in the ideological field and use the new ideas, culture, customs and habits of the proletariat to change the mental outlook of the whole of society”.

With the Great Leap Forward and the establishment of the People’s Communes in 1957 -1958 it was given an effective advance in the development of collective property economics and the socialist revolution, constituting a victory against the right opportunism in a period in which, on an international level, capitalism was restoring in the USSR and in the rest of the countries of Eastern Europe.

Chairman Mao warned in 1962: “don’t ever forget the class struggle”. The same year, with the socialist education movement, it was possible to give a new impulse to the struggle against the followers of the capitalist road in the countryside. In 1965, the criticism of philosophy and the criticism of the art forms which were driven by bourgeois and revisionist elements in the field of culture, prepare the soil for launching the GCPR in 1966. Initially, those who tried to control the implementation of the Cultural Revolution were revisionist elements which nested within the highest leadership of the Party, whose counter-revolutionary way of actin, was exposed later. People like Liu Shao-chi, then President of the People’s Republic of China, his front man and chief of the Party in Peking, Peng Sheng, the member of the Party Committee in Peking and the person responsible for propaganda and press organisms of the CPC and of the state, Lu Ting-yi, among others, frenetically plotted their antiparty and antisocialist positions for restoring capitalism.

In this sense, Chairman Mao’s line has comprehended this fundamental issue: “The socialist society emerges from the bosom of the old society. It is not easy to liquidate the idea of the private property formed during thousands of years of class society, nor the force of habit or the ideological and cultural influence of the exploiting classes linked to the private property. The spontaneous forces of the petty bourgeoisie in the city and on the countryside constantly create new bourgeois elements. As the ranks of the workers grow in number and range, some impure elements infiltrate them. And after the conquest of power and living in an environment of peace, a certain number of people in the ranks of the cadres of the Party and of the state organisms degenerate. At the same time, in the international level, the imperialism, headed by the USA, and the reactionary of the diverse countries strive to eliminate us through the counter-revolutionary double tactic: threats of war and ‘peaceful evolution’. The contemporary revisionist group, with the direction of the Soviet Union Communist Party as its centre, tries to defeat us as well, by all its possible means. If we forget the class struggle in these circumstances and abandon our vigilance, we would run the risk of losing the Power and allow that capitalism restores”.

Under Chairman Mao’s direction, the directive of the XI Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the 8th  of August 1966, it was clearly defined: “The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution now unfolding is a great revolution that touches people to their very souls and constitutes a new stage in the development of the socialist revolution in our country, a stage which is both broader and deeper.[…] Although the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it is still trying to use the old ideas, culture, customs and habits of the exploiting classes to corrupt the masses, capture their minds and endeavour to stage a comeback.” And that in the cultural revolution: “At present, our objective is to struggle against and overthrow those persons in authority who are taking the capitalist road, to criticize and repudiate the reactionary bourgeois academic “authorities” and the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes and to transform education, literature and art and all other parts of the superstructure not in correspondence with the socialist economic base, so as to facilitate the consolidation and development of the socialist system.

It were the masses of young students, in 1966, animated and stimulated by the Communist Party, with Chairman Mao in the fore, who started the mass criticism and, hence denounced the handful of stubborn revisionists that usurped the power in different departments of the party itself and the state. The all-around dictatorship of the proletariat was necessary to defeat the gang of opportunist and revisionist followers of the capitalist road. There could not remain any place in the party and in the state for bourgeois elements, but to smash those individuals was not an administrative problem, but was about the broad mass mobilization and the criticism which they did.

To defeat and expose the opposition of the followers of the capitalist road, the Party, under the correct revolutionary line of Chairman Mao, needed to base itself on the masses, stimulating their own initiative. Like the directive of the 8th of August 1966 pointed out: “Trust the masses, rely on them and respect their initiative. Cast out fear. Don’t be afraid of disturbances. Chairman Mao has often told us that revolution cannot be so very refined, so gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. Let the masses educate themselves in this great revolutionary movement and learn to distinguish between right and wrong and between correct and incorrect ways of doing things. Make the fullest use of big-character posters and great debates to argue matters out, so that the masses can clarify the correct views, criticize the wrong views and expose all the ghosts and monsters. In this way the masses will be able to raise their political consciousness in the course of the struggle, enhance their abilities and talents, distinguish right from wrong and draw a clear line between ourselves and the enemy”.

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is the method to mobilize the masses and them express all their creative power in the criticism of the revisionists, “it is a method to uncover all the dark that is in the party”, said Chairman Mao. At the IX Congress of 1969 it was cited what Chairman Mao exposed in a conversation in February 1967: “In the past we waged struggles in rural areas, in factories, in the cultural field, and we carried out the socialist education movement. But all this failed to solve the problem because we did not find a form, a method, to arouse the broad masses to expose our dark aspect openly, in an all-round way and from below”.

The form, the means, the method was the critic by the masses. This allowed to fully bring into play the initiative of masses to expose the antiparty and antisocialist “black gang”, followers of the capitalist road, who succeeded in usurping a part of the power. The problem was not only the removal of this or that leader of the followers of the capitalist road, the great task consisted in mobilizing the masses and to make them bombard the bourgeois headquarters on their own initiative. This is still important, because the problem was not just fighting against a political line, the issue was also the struggle against the organisational line which Liu Shao-chi built up and which allowed him to have a significant presence in different state and party entities through impenitent followers of the capitalist road.

Initiated among the sections of the youth, principally students, the GPCR soon propagated to the broad masses of workers and peasants. At the end of 1966 the class struggle sharpened in Shanghai. In January 1967 the revolutionary storm breaks out in this important industrial city and a clique of usurpers was defeated, recapturing the proletarian power and re-establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat. Chang Chung-chiao had an active role in these events, giving a proper direction in this struggle. The revisionists  who were installed in the Shanghai municipality were defeated and in February 1967 the Revolutionary Committee of the Shanghai Municipality is founded as the new power organism of the working class, led by the Party, concentrated in the Revolutionary Committees.

Later, in March 1967 progress was made in the Great Strategic Plan for the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. The document reads as following: “This document could be distributed to the whole country to be acted upon accordingly. The army should give military and political training in the universities, middle schools and the higher classes of primary schools, for levels and groups. This should help in re-opening school classes, strengthening organization, setting up the leading bodies on the principle of the "three in one combination" and carrying out the task of "struggle-criticism-transformation." First, experiments should be done at selected locations and then expanded step by step. And the students should be convinced to implement the teaching of Marx that the proletariat can only achieve its final emancipation by emancipating all mankind, and that those teachers and cadres who have made mistakes in military and political training should not be excluded. Apart from the aged and the sick, these people should be allowed to take part so as to facilitate their re-education. If all this is not done conscientiously, it is difficult to solve the problems”.

In the IX Congress in 1969 it was decided as a fundamental line of the Party for the whole historical phase of socialism, issues that Chairman Mao had established in a plenum of the Central Committee in 1962: “The socialist society will last a relatively long historical phase. During this historical phase of socialism, classes, class contradictions and class struggle will still exist; the struggle between the socialist and the capitalist road and the danger of capitalist restoration exists. We have to comprehend how long and complicated this struggle is and raise our vigilance. It is necessary to carry out the socialist education. It is necessary to understand and handle the problems of class contradictions and class struggle correctly and to precisely distinguish the contradictions between us and the enemy that exist in the bosom of the people, and to handle them in a correct way. Otherwise, a socialist country like ours will convert into its opposite, will degenerate, and the restoration will occur. From now on, we have to talk about this every year, every month and every day, so that we have a relative clear comprehension of this problem and follow a Marxist-Leninist line”.

 

On Restoration: lessons for the future

The counter-revolutionary coup that the revisionists conducted against the Communist Party of China, against the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat, is a sign of how sharp the class struggle and the two-line struggle in the Party becomes in the society during socialism. Chairman Mao, in May 1963, facing the advance of people like Liu Shao-chi, prudently pointed out the risks which entail a grave situation like this: “Then it would not take much time, maybe some years or a decade or several decades at most, to create a counter-revolutionary restoration at a national level, to transform the Marxist-Leninist party to a revisionist party or a fascist party and the whole China will change its colour”.

Later, in 1966, continuing this issue, he warned: “The bourgeois representatives that had infiltrated the Party, the government, the army and the different sectors of the cultural sector are a bunch of counter-revolutionary revisionists. If the possibility arises, they would take the Power and transform the dictatorship of the proletariat in the dictatorship of the bourgeois”.

The bourgeois dictatorship established in October 1976 is a fascist dictatorship, and the party that leads it is a fascist party, only revisionists and opportunists keep calling the monstrosity that governs in China today a Communist Party. Chairman Mao warned of this again in 1976:

I have never stopped believing that in China there is a possibility of a restoration of capitalism on a great scale. A countrywide scale. If this restoration comes, bad things will  come. Sufferings will be back, but, inevitably, the revolution will also come back”.

The same is pointed out in a letter of the same year that he sent to comrade Chiang Ching. We quote a fragment:

In the struggle of the past ten years

I have tried to reach the peak of the revolution,

But I had failed…

Maybe you can reach the peak.

If you fail you will drown in a bottomless abyss,

Your body will be torn apart,

Your bones will break.

No agreement with the others is good.

If the sword turns around, and I think it had been turned

against the revolution. One more time it will be needed

the guerrilla warfare…the new Yenan …

 

And last, also in words written by Chairman Mao in 1966 to comrade Chiang Ching: “In China, after the emperor was overthrown in 1911, no reactionary was able to stay long in power. If the Rightists were to stage an anti-Communist coup d’etat in China, I am sure they would have no peace either and their rule would most probably be short-lived, because it would never be tolerated by the revolutionaries who represent the interests of the people constituting more than 90 per cent of the population”. Conclusion: the perspectives are brilliant, but the way is tortuous. These two formulations continue to be valid.

It is important to highlight that all of this occurs in the period that the Chairman pointed out as the ‘next 50 to 100 years’ in which the rule of imperialism will be brought down, time of the major decomposition of imperialism and in which it will be swept from the face of the earth by the proletarian world revolution. An important thesis to rub in the face of contemporary opportunists and revisionists.

 

The Communist Party of China, its construction and the two-line struggle during the GPCR

In 1974 the brochure “A basic understanding of the Party” was published in China. In this important document, the CPC draws a balance of the experience of the Party and its role in the GPCR; it is also synthesized in the basic program and the basic line of the party, the construction of the party, the two-line struggle and the tasks of education and re-education led by it. This brochure is an advanced exposition of the principles which establish what an authentic Communist Party must be and which most consistent application was performed by Chairman Gonzalo, developing the Marxist theory on the party with the thesis of militarization and the concentric construction.

The brochure explains the reflection of the class struggle in the party as two-line struggle, sometimes high, sometimes low, as the tide; the importance of ten great two-line struggles that were fought in the Communist Party of China are highlighted, including the struggles against Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao, and there is no doubt it was necessary to develop some more. There was fought a two-line struggle against Chen Po-ta and Teng Siao-ping but, finally, taking advantage of a favourable correlation of forces, these two took advantage of their own forces to strike at the Left and to transform the Party into a fascist party.

The GPCR, the criticism of the masses of Lin Piao, the movement for the rectification of style of work, initiated and led by Chairman Mao, was able to contain and smash the counter-revolutionary offensive that Lin Piao and Liu Shao-chi tried to drive to change the party character and restore capitalism. Unquestionably the party was purified. Nevertheless, to advance towards the classless society, one, two or three cultural revolutions were not enough, but many more. During the GPCR, the two-line struggle in the bosom of the Communist Party of China reached never seen levels, giving huge lessons to the coming revolutionary generations. In the same brochure “A basic understanding of the Party” it was sustained: “The two-line struggle within the Party over the question of its character has always been very sharp. All of the leaders of the opportunist lines have always tried by every means to pervert the character of the political party of the proletariat, in order to serve their own criminal goal of sabotaging the proletarian revolution. […] The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the movement to criticise Lin Piao and rectify the style of work personally initiated and led by Chairman Mao, completely smashed the criminal plots of Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao to change the nature of our Party and to restore capitalism. Our Party came out purified, more solid, and more vigorous than ever. The struggle between the two lines inside the party profoundly demonstrates that safeguarding the character of the Party is a matter of great importance. It' is intimately connected with the destiny of the Party and the state, and with the question of whether the revolution will win victory or go down to defeat. To continually build our Party, making use of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought, to expose and frustrate the plots of the revisionists to pervert the character of the Party — this will provide the guarantee that our Party will always retain its proletarian character”.

Some of the problems of this two-line struggle that developed in the bosom of the Communist Party of China and in the Chinese society were: the handling of the two-line struggle itself; the deficient handling of the two types of contradictions - between us and the enemy, and in the bosom of the people - that left room for the revisionists; absence of a new and firm impulse for the GPCR after the attempted coup of Lin Piao, the “right deviationist winds” and the disturbances sowed by Teng Siao-ping in 1975 and 1976 during the funerals of Chu En-lai, etc. The revisionist line had great space to develop.

The two-line struggle had important advances, but cunning revisionists like Teng Siao-ping and its clique found the auspicious moment to overtake the contradictions in the bosom of the people and to overtake the power through a fascist coup, exposing problems not solved by the revolution. One of the main issues is the insufficient application of the proletarian military line regarding the ‘sea of armed masses’,  which should have been expressed through the transmission of greater competence to the people’s militias, like more control over the PLA, thus it became relatively easy to be usurped because of its centralization. Chairman Gonzalo, understanding this question and contributing to the proletarian military line - meaning to the people’s war - brought up the need of the concentric construction of the three instruments of the revolution and the need of integrating the people’s militia into the revolutionary army in order to be guard against the capitalist restoration, aiming at the ‘sea of armed masses’.

How it was defined by Chairman Gonzalo, fundamental in Maoism is the power, that means “the power for the proletariat, the Power for the dictatorship of the proletariat, the power based on an armed force led by the Communist Party. More explicitly: 1) The power under leadership of the proletariat in the democratic revolution; 2) the power for the dictatorship of the proletariat in the socialist and cultural revolutions; 3) the power based on an armed force led by the Communist Party, a power conquered and defended by People’s War” and the core of people’s war is the New Power. Therefore, being Marxists-Leninists-Maoist, fighting to develop people’s war, we must apply the advances reached in the construction of the New Power during the GPCR, which have the system of “three in one combination” as a substantial element. In Nepal this was not applied, but instead representatives of bureaucratic bourgeois and landlord parties were incorporated in what they called “New Power”, what became a house of cards. It is an issue to study and debate to deepen our understanding of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism. This is a question to which all the parties and organizations must pay attention, whatever their level of development is. Given that what is fundamental in Maoism is the construction of the New Power, be it in an current form or in perspective, it is also fundamental for our understanding of the construction of the three instruments of the revolution and allows us to better understand the necessity of the concentric construction and how to handle it.

This way, taking the experience of the GPCR, we can understand the necessity of developing people’s war until communism. Chairman Gonzalo teaches us: “Without a People’s Army the people will have nothing, says Chairman Mao, at the same time that he teaches us the need of the absolute lead of the Party over the army and establishes his great principle: The Party leads the guns and we will never allow the opposite. Aside of completely establishing the principles and norms of the construction of an army of the new type, the Chairman himself called to prevent the use of the army for the capitalist restoration usurping the direction through a counter-revolutionary coup, and by developing Lenin’s thesis on the people’s militia he drove the general armament of the people further than anyone before him, opening the path and showing the way towards the ‘armed sea of masses’ that would lead us towards the definitive emancipation of the people and the proletariat”. The way in which Chairman Mao instructed comrade Chiang Ching, is how we must understand the communist’s role: develop the guerrilla war - specifically, the people’s war - if the revisionists usurp the power.

As long as there are classes, there will be class struggle, because that is how the law of contradiction specifies in the class society; the highest way of solving the contradictions in the class society is the war and, because of that, until the whole mankind enters to communism there will always be the need of the people’s war. Studying the GPCR, we understand more deeply the omnipotence of the revolutionary war, meaning the people’s war, Maoism and how to apply it. All of these are lessons of the class struggle in the GPCR.

The zigzags that the party faced in its inner struggle in that period also confirm the correctness and validity of the thesis that revisionism is the main danger.

Yes, on one hand, the two-line struggle reached higher levels of sharpening and antagonism that finally led to the destruction of the party and its transformation into a fascist party, distinct from and opposite to the proletariat, on the other hand it would have been impossible to reach the heights that the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution reached without the sharp two-line struggle displayed by Chairman Mao and the Left inside the party. The role of the Communist Party of China and of Chairman Mao in the leadership of this earth shaking second revolution cannot be vanished, without also vanishing the elevation of Mao-Tse-Tung-Thought to a new, third and higher stage of Marxism, Maoism.

 

Continuers of the revolution

Another question to which Chairman Mao gave great importance was the preparation of the continuers of the revolutionary cause of the proletariat. Considered as a strategic task by the Party, its main revolutionary cadres dedicated huge efforts to it. About this Chairman Mao said: “In the final analysis, the question of training successors for the revolutionary cause of the proletariat is one of whether or not there will be people who can carry on the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary cause started by the older generation of proletarian revolutionaries, whether or not the leadership of our Party and state will remain in the hands of proletarian revolutionaries, whether or not our descendants will continue to march along the correct road laid down by Marxism-Leninism, or, in other words, whether or not we can successfully prevent the emergence of Khrushchov's revisionism in China. In short, it is an extremely important question, a matter of life and death for our Party and our country. It is a question of fundamental importance to the proletarian revolutionary cause for a hundred, a thousand, nay ten thousand years”.

 

The GPCR today

The meaning of the GPCR lies not only in recognizing it as the struggle against the capitalist restoration in the epoch of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the construction of socialism and bringing up the problem of the ideological transformation, of changing the soul of the people. It is not enough, and not because it is incorrect, but because we must develop the understanding of Maoism in relation to the question of the two-line struggle, and this means recognizing Chairman Mao’s line on the universal validity of the people’s war, developed by Chairman Gonzalo through the thesis of ‘people’s war until communism’ and, in consequence, understand the GPCR from the Maoist line and not from the conciliatory positions.

In 1963 the Great Polemic erupts. In the course of this struggle the Letter of 25 Points and the Nine Comments were published, which exposed with sharpness the nature of the contemporary revisionism, the sinister role played by Nikita Khrushchev in the capitalist restoration in the USSR in 1956 and his betrayal to the ICM. Some ignored what was done by the CPC and by Chairman Mao, ignored at the same time the GPCR, its advances, and especially, the development of Marxism into a new, third and higher stage.

Defending the GPCR is assuming Maoism as the new, third and higher stage of Marxism, in the two-line struggle in the bosom of the ICM, as class struggle in the ideological and political fields, and to constitute or reconstitute, corresponding to the situation, militarized Communist Parties to unleash peoples’ wars all over the world and impose Maoism as command and guide of the proletarian world revolution, giving an impulse to the new great wave of the proletarian world revolution.

 

Long live the 50th anniversary of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution!

Sweep away revisionism and all opportunism!

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!

 

Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction)

Communist Party of Ecuador – Red Sun

Popular Movement of Peru (Reorganisation Committee)

Red Faction of the Communist Party of Chile

Revolutionary Front of the People of Bolivia MLM

Maoist Organization for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of Columbia

Committee Red Flag – FRG

Other signing parties and organizations:

Committees for the Founding of the (Maoist) Communist Party, Austria

 

May, 2016

Donnerstag, 16. Februar 2017

A Nova Democracia: El Nuevo Gobierno Yankee Incrementa su Agressión contra los Pueblos


XV años, N ° 184. - 2ª quincena de febrero y Mar. 1ª mitad del 2017
Jailson de Souza
El nuevo gobierno yanqui, encabezado por el archirreacionário Donald Trump, atendiendo a la llamada del establishment, ya dando sus primeros pasos para incrementar el asalto a las naciones oprimidas del Tercer Mundo, la guerra de agresión y rapiña contra ellos, para combatir con el  genocidio y la violencia más cruel las luchas de resistencia nacional de las masas en estas naciones oprimidas. Todo para dar la supervivencia de este sistema ya podrido de explotación y opresión que reina en la tierra.
 
Yankee bombardeo destruye la ciudad Yakla, 29/01
"Las peculiaridades políticas del imperialismo son la violencia y la reacción en todos la línea", dijo el gran Lenin en su brillante trabajo El Imperialismo, Fase Superior del Capitalismo, publicado en 1916. Hoy en día, más allá de su centenario, la tendencia absoluta del imperialismo  es aún más criminal, más violencia,  genocidio y más reacción. Debido a esto decimos en el # 180, en las palabras de la Asociación de Nueva Democracia (Hamburgo, Alemania): "El próximo gobierno Yankee, con respecto al actual, será más reaccionario, más genocida y descargará más el hambre, la represión y la muerte contra los obreros y el pueblo estadounidense ". Trataremos de hacer la lista de las recientes maniobras del nuevo gobierno yanqui contra las naciones oprimidas, especialmente en el Oriente Medio.
Agresión Odiosa Contra Yemen
La nación yemení fue la primera víctima del nuevo gobierno encabezado por el bandido Trump. El ejército yankee atacó cobardemente, en este 29 de enero,  la ciudad de Yakla en el centro de Yemen, usando bombas lanzadas por aviones no tripulados y helicópteros de combate Apache, bajo el manto de la farsa sangrienta de la "guerra contra el terrorismo".
La información proporcionada en la prensa tanto de 14 personas muertas por este cobarde ataque yanqui. Las víctimas fueron acusadas ​​con prontitud de ser "apoyo de los sospechosos de Al-Qaeda". Los objetivos de los bombardeos incluyen una escuela y una mezquita (casa religiosa del Islam).
Sin embargo, las masas golpeadas vienen respondiendo a la agresión imperialista. En esta operación los Yankees sufrieron pérdidas humanas y materiales. Uno de sus soldados finalmente acabó acribillado en los combates, y otros cuatro heridos. Un avión militar yanqui tuvo que realizer por  daños aterrizaje forzoso, y los testigos afirman que un helicóptero Apache fue derribado. Ambos eventos son una consecuencia de los enfrentamientos con la resistencia nacional.
En un comunicado de prensa emitido por Al-Qaeda en la Península Arábiga (AQPA), existe la denuncia de que en realidad eran 30 el número de víctimas fatales del ataque yanqui criminal y que ninguno de ellos pertenecía a las filas de la organización.
Este ataque demuestra que contra el imperialismo no existen leyes o derechos humanos que valga la pena, ya que pueden, impunemente, convertir a cualquier "sospechoso" en objetivo certero de su bombardeos indiscriminados y en contra de la población civil de un país saqueado. Estas son las "características políticas del imperialismo": la violencia y la reacción en toda la línea, como dijo Lenin.
 
 
 
 
 

A nova DemocraciaNovo governo ianque aumenta agressão aos povos

  


Bombardeio ianque destroi cidade Yakla, 29/01


O novo governo ianque, chefiado pelo arquirreacionário Donald Trump, atendendo ao chamado do establishment, toma já as suas primeiras medidas no sentido de incrementar o assalto às nações oprimidas do terceiro mundo, a guerra de agressão e rapina contra estas, visando combater, com o genocídio e a violência mais cruenta, as lutas de resistência nacional das massas nestas nações. Tudo para dar sobrevida a este já apodrecido sistema de exploração e opressão que reina sobre a Terra.
 
“As particularidades políticas do imperialismo são a violência e a reação em toda a linha”, disse o grande Lenin na sua genial obra Imperialismo, fase superior do capitalismo, publicada em 1916. Hoje, pouco além do completar de seu centenário, a tendência absoluta do imperialismo é a ainda mais criminosa violência, o genocídio e a reação. Por conta disso que afirmamos em AND nº 180, nas palavras da Associação de Nova Democracia (Hamburgo, Alemanha): “O próximo governo ianque será, com relação ao atual, ainda mais reacionário, genocida e descarregará mais fome, repressão e morte sobre os operários e o povo norte-americano”. Trataremos, em síntese, de listar as recentes manobras deste novo governo ianque contra as nações oprimidas, particularmente no Oriente Médio.

Odiosa agressão ao Iêmen
 
A nação iemenita foi a primeira vítima deste novo governo chefiado pelo bandido Trump. O exército ianque atacou, neste 29 de janeiro, o município de Yakla, no centro do Iêmen, utilizando-se de bombardeios lançados covardemente por drones e helicópteros de guerra Apache, sob o falso e ensanguentado manto de “guerra ao terrorismo”.

A informação veiculada na imprensa dá conta de 14 pessoas assassinadas por este covarde ataque ianque. As vítimas foram prontamente acusadas de serem “suspeitos de vinculação à Al-Qaeda”. Os alvos dos bombardeios incluíam uma escola e uma mesquita (casa religiosa do islamismo).
No entanto, as massas agredidas vêm revidando a agressão imperialista. Nesta operação os ianques sofreram baixas humanas e materiais. Um dos seus soldados acabou aniquilado no combate, além de outros 4 feridos. Uma aeronave militar ianque teve que realizar pouso forçado por danos, e testemunhas afirmam que um helicóptero Apache foi derrubado. Ambos acontecimentos são resultados dos combates com a resistência nacional.

Em nota de imprensa emitida pela Al-Qaeda na Península Arábica (AQPA), há a denúncia de que foram, na realidade, 30 o número de vítimas fatais desse criminoso ataque ianque e que nenhuma delas pertencia às fileiras desta organização.

Este ataque vem demonstrar que contra o imperialismo não há leis ou direitos humanos que valham, pois estes podem, impunemente, converter eventuais “suspeitos” em alvos certeiros de seus bombardeios indiscriminados e contra a população civil de um país saqueado. Estas são as “particularidades políticas do imperialismo”: a violência e a reação, como afirmou Lenin.

 

Mittwoch, 15. Februar 2017

ICSPWI: Against G20! Against genocidal Modi!.-CIAGPI:¡Contra el G20! Contra el genocida Modi!



Against G20!
Against genocidal Modi!

On 7th and 8th of July the biggest genocidal in the world will meet in Hamburg at the G20 Summit. Among them, the slaughterer of Indian people Narendra Modi.

Modi is notorious for his brutal actions against Indian revolutionaries, national minorities and oppressed nations. He is also the main responsible for the massacre of Muslims in Gujarat.
Modi and his puppeteers from imperialist countries organize the brutal exploitation of people and resources of India and transform the country into an open-air prison of people to the benefit of the corporations linked to the imperialist countries.

The counter-revolutionary offensive “Operation Green Hunt”, a war on people aimed against the People’s War in India led by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) was upscaled by Modi. The use of airstrike on the areas of the national minorities of Adivasis, in the regions where the People’s War is developed, and the deployment of more counter-revolutionary troops are supposed to drown the revolutionary war in blood. But the blood spilled feeds the revolution and the People’s War develops more, despite all difficulties.

Now the fascist Modi comes to the belly of imperialist beast in order to get instructions and advice on how to suppress and brake the revolutionary movement in India and the Indian People in general.
It is our duty here to show that even in the safe haven of imperialism a slaughterer of his own people as Modi is not welcome and will be badgered. We stand on the side of Indian people and the CPI (Maoist) that leads the People’s War to crush imperialism and its lackeys and to build the New-Democratic People’s Republic.

Down with the genocidal Modi!
Down with the Operation Green Hunt!
Support the People’s War in India!

International Commitee Support People's War India
ICSPWI
4 february 2017


¡Contra el G20!
Contra el genocida Modi!

El 7 y 8 de julio, los mayores genocidas del mundo se reunirá en Hamburgo en la Cumbre del G20. Entre ellos, el carnicero del pueblo indio Narendra Modi.

Modi es notorio por sus brutales acciones contra los revolucionarios indios, las minorías nacionales y las naciones oprimidas. También es el principal responsable de la masacre de musulmanes en Gujarat.
Modi y sus titiriteros de los países imperialistas organizan la brutal explotación del pueblo y los recursos de la India y transforman el país en una prisión al aire libre del pueblo en beneficio de las corporaciones ligadas a los países imperialistas.

La ofensiva contrarrevolucionaria "Operación Caza Verde", una guerra contra el pueblo dirigida contra la guerra popular en la India, dirigida por el Partido Comunista de la India (maoísta), fue incrementada por Modi. Supone que el uso de los ataques aéreos en las áreas de las minorías nacionales de los Adivasis, en las regiones donde se desarrolla la guerra popular, y el despliegue de más tropas contrarrevolucionarias ahogará la guerra revolucionaria en sangre. Pero la sangre derramada riega la revolución y la guerra popular se desarrolla más, a pesar de todas las dificultades.

Ahora el fascista Modi llega al vientre de la bestia imperialista con el fin de obtener instrucciones y consejos sobre cómo suprimir y frenar el movimiento revolucionario en la India y al pueblo indio en general.

Es nuestro deber demostrar que incluso en el llamado refugio seguro del imperialismo un carnicero de su propio pueblo como Modi no es bienvenido y será atropellado. Nos mantenemos del lado de los indios y del CPI (maoísta) que lidera la guerra popular para aplastar al imperialismo y sus lacayos y que viene construyendo la República Popular de Nueva Democracia.

¡Abajo el genocida Modi!
¡Abajo con la Operación Caza Verde!
¡Apoyar la guerra popular en la India!

El Comité Internacional Apoyo a la Guerra Popular en la India
ICSPWI
4 de febrero de 2017
 Traducciónn de la AND