No votar! Votar es contribuir a avalar a este caduco
orden social de opresión y explotación!
Existe
pues, una continuidad de
un régimen fascista, genocida y vendepatria, iniciado el 05 de abril
de 1992 y para conservado, han montado su farsa y fraude electoral
para el 12 de abril 2026: “Elecciones Generales”. Estas
elecciones son un medio de dominación y un instrumento para
pretender aplastar las luchas del pueblo y, centralmente de su
vanguardia, así como conservar este caduco orden social que solo
beneficia a la Gran Burguesía, los Terratenientes y el Capitalismo
Burocrático del imperialismo yanqui, principalmente. Según la ONPE,
la elección de la fórmula presidencial, tiene estos resultados
parciales: Keiko Fujimori de Fuerza Popular con el 17.091%, en
representación de la Gran Burguesía, Facción Compradora, tiene la
mayor cantidad de votos: seguida de Roberto Sánchez, Juntos por el
Perú, representante de la Gran Burguesía, Facción Burocrática,
con el 12.038%; seguido de Rafael López Aliaga, en tercer lugar, de
Renovación Popular, con el 11.880%. En consecuencia, pasan a la
“segunda vuelta”, que se realizará el 7 de junio 2026, entre los
dos primeros candidatos a la Presidencia de la República. De
inmediato, López Aliaga, al perder en estas elecciones, se ha
manifestado contra este proceso, exigiendo que “se anulen”. La
ONPE ha respondido que no se puede anular e incluso, los
“observadores internacionales” también las respaldan, aduciendo
que se han realizado en forma normal.
Elecciones
Generales organizadas por las clases explotadoras y opresoras del
pueblo, como son la Gran Burguesía con sus dos facciones en colusión
y pugna por el Poder Político: la Gran Burguesía Compradora y la
Gran Burguesía Burocrática, contando
con el apoyo del imperialismo yanqui, específicamente con el de su
embajador en el país. No benefician ni jamás serán favorables para
el pueblo. Son parte del Cretinismo Parlamentario para renovar y
cambiar a los representantes de la Gran Burguesía y de los
Terratenientes. Son el camino de la Burguesía; no son el Camino del
Pueblo. Y ademas, estas raídas elecciones, son para sostener las
Tres grandes Montañas
que nos oprimen y explotan hasta despellejarnos en vida para producir
plusvalía absoluta: Imperialismo, yanqui principalmente, Capitalismo
Burocrático y Semifeudalidad. La tarea central es derribar estas
Tres Montañas,
para romper las cadenas de la cruenta explotación, hambre y miseria.
Por
lo tanto, no votar; por cuanto hacerlo implica avalar a este caduco
orden social y, a la Gran Burguesía Compradora, que tomó el Poder
desde el año
1980, así como a los Terratenientes, Capitalismo Burocrático e
inclusive, al imperialismo yanqui. Son 14 siglos de opresión, desde
que
surge el Estado en el siglo VII y, 200 años
de República Burguesa, con una “democracia” usada solo para
explotar y oprimir al pueblo peruano. En este contexto, el caduco
Estado Terrateniente/Burocrático, con sus podridos “Poderes
Estatales”, organiza las Elecciones Generales el 12, 13 de abril de
2026 para recambiar Autoridades y renovar el reaccionario
Congreso, saturado de lacayos de los explotadores y, que ahora,
contará con más parásitos: los 60 “Senadores” y 130 diputados,
con la singularidad, que es la Cámara de Senadores la que cambiará
al Presidente de la República en casos previstos de la “declaración
de vacancia” y, es “indisoluble”: no se le puede cerrar.
Entonces,
las
Elecciones Generales, son un medio e instrumento constante en la
historia del país, para “legitimar” este caduco orden social,
que se encuentra en plena Crisis generalizada. Y sea quien sea
“ganador” de estas Elecciones Generales, aplicará más fascismo,
genocidio y remate de nuestra patria, por cuanto es el Camino de la
Burguesía y jamás del pueblo y, este tiene también otro camino: el
Camino Democrático, que es el Camino de Mariátegui, dirigido por la
inmarcesible Vanguardia de la clase, acero puro y encarnando la
Ideología Científica del Proletariado, devenida en una Nueva,
Tercera y Superior Etapa, derrumbará a las Tres Montañas
que nos han sumido en la iniquidad, hambre crónico, miseria y
opresión.
¡
VIVA LA CRECIENTE PROTESTA POPULAR Y SU DESARROLLO EN EL PERÚ!
¡
ABAJO LA DICTADURA GENOCIDA, FASCISTA Y VENDEPATRIA!
¡
VIVA LA HEROICA GUERRA DE RESISTENCIA NACIONAL DE LOS PUEBLOS DE
PALESTINA E IRÁN!
¡
VIVAN LAS LUCHAS DEL PROLETARIADO INTERNACIONAL CON SU VANGUARDIA!
COMITÉ
DE DEFENSA DEL SUTEP ÚNICO Lima, 29.04.2026
Contradicción:
Contradicción:
Sí cambiarán las condiciones materiales, "Después de votar,...". Los de
"arriba", continuarán como antes: inmensas fortunas como resultado de
la explotación inmisericorde que nos despelleja en vida y, nosotros, los
de "abajo": en infrahumanas condiciones materiales de vida, golpeados
por la incesante inflación que nos arranca el valor monetario y eleva el
precio de los productos básicos de "primera necesidad"; mucho más
pobres que ayer, famélicos, con los bolsillos rotos y, conteniendo el
hambre. Pero, firmes en nuestro pensamiento, resistiendo y en
perspectiva, avizorando un "Nuevo Amanecer". Sí, cambian las
"Elecciones": pero para los Grandes Burgueses y Terratenientes, ahora
tendrán nuevos gamonales o autoridades a su servicio y, nosotros:
repudiar esta farsa electoral. ¡Abajo el Cretinismo parlamentario; el
SUTEP ÚNICO, es clasista y jamás, parte de este camino de la Burguesía y
Terratenientes!.
Magisterio Revolucionario Chuquisaca ordeoSstpn3 u6891 g5m097G0:mtfc4sh23mrue1069atu0c7fl602enct1 · ¡TODOS A LA MARCHA! - No podemos darle un respiro al gobierno incapaz, sirviente de los empresarios y las transnacionales. - No permitamos que se criminalice el derecho a la protesta y se persigan a los sindicatos. - Rechacemos la intención del gobierno de ahogar en sangre las movilizaciones con el Estado de Excepción. - Por una movilización en el marco de la independencia política y sindical, fuera los politiqueros oportunistas (evistas, larista y otros)
Long live the 60th
anniversary of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution!
In
its May Day 2026 Declaration, the International Communist League has
called for the celebration of the 60th anniversary of the
commencement of China’s Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution—led
by Chairman Mao Tsetung—which "represents a historic milestone
in the historical experience of the World Proletarian Revolution."
The Declaration also specifies the content and significance of this
celebration:
"Bombard
the headquarters of revisionism!
Chairman
Mao taught us that only by combating revisionism is it possible to
develop the forces of the revolution. This is because, as we face new
tasks of the world revolution, it is necessary to elevate the
struggle between Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and revisionism in all its
forms. Today, as we celebrate the 60th anniversary of the GPCR, we
must reaffirm our struggle against capitalist restoration in China,
elevating our struggle against the revisionism of the bogus 'CPC.' Xi
Jinping’s revisionism represents one of the principal variants of
revisionism—one of the main dangers to the international
proletarian movement and the national liberation movement—and must
be fiercely combated on all fronts."
It
further sets forth the following slogans: "Bombard the
headquarters of revisionism! Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism! Long
live the International Communist League! Down with imperialism! Long
live People's War! Long live the 60th anniversary of the Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution!"
The
MPP joins the call issued in the ICL’s May Day 2026 Declaration by
publishing—in successive installments—selected excerpts from the
materials of the Communist Party of Peru regarding the GPCR.
THE PERU PEOPLE’S MOVEMENT
May 2026
I
1.
The historical significance of the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution from a historical perspective, it is the most
momentous undertaking of Chairman Mao's developments of
Marxism-Leninism, the solution to the great pending problem of
continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.
It "constitutes a broader and deeper new stage in the
development of the socialist revolution in our country.
"
What was the situation? As the Decision of the CPC concerning the
GPCR put it: "Although the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it
is still trying to use the old ideas, culture, customs and habits of
the exploiting classes to corrupt the masses, capture their minds and
endeavor to stage a comeback. The proletariat must do the exact
opposite: it must deal merciless blows and meet head-on every
challenge of the bourgeoisie in the ideological field and use the new
ideas, culture, customs and habits of the proletariat to change the
mental outlook of the whole of society. At present, our objective is
to struggle against and overthrow those persons in authority who are
taking the capitalist road, to criticize and repudiate the
reactionary bourgeois academic authorities' and the ideology of the
bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes and to transform
education, literature and art and all other parts of the
superstructure not in correspondence with the socialist economic
base, so as to facilitate the consolidation and development of the
socialist system."
It
was under these conditions that the most earthshaking political event
and the largest mass mobilization the Earth has ever seen took place.
This is how Chairman Mao defined its objectives: "The current
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is absolutely necessary and
most timely for consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat,
preventing capitalist restoration and building socialism."
We
would further emphasize two other questions: 1) the GPCR marked a
milestone in the development of the dictatorship of the proletariat
towards consolidating the proletariat's political power, concretized
in the Revolutionary Committees; and 2) the restoration of capitalism
in China
following
the 1976 counterrevolutionary coup does not negate the GPCR but
rather formed part of the contention between restoration and counter-
restoration, and in fact, it points to the crucial historic
importance of the GPCR in humanity's inexorable march towards
communism. ( (Excerpt from „Fundamental Documents: On
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism“, 1st Congress of the PCP, 1988)
2.
Comments by President Gonzalo:
The
Chinese revolution has demonstrated the necessity of the Cultural
Revolution, that the revolution demanded resolute struggle but was
necessary to continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the
proletariat. Obviously, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is
an epic chant of the revolution in the world, a milestone of victory
for the communists and revolutionaries worldwide, an indelible fact.
Although it is a process we must face, this revolution has left us
great lessons that we already apply, such as the need to change
ideology as a fundamental step for the class to seize Power; today,
generating an ideological leap to
conquer
Power. (Chairman Gonzalo’s intervention in a meeting of leaders and
cadres on the occasion of the 40th Anniversary of the Chinese
Revolution, September 30, 1989)
The
Proletarian Cultural Revolution is not on the order of the day; what
is on the order of the day is the problem of defining our
ideology—whether it is Maoism or something else entirely. Also on
the order of the day is the democratic revolution—the socialist
revolution, yes, but primarily the democratic one, given the
historical weight of the masses. That is why we say: "from a
historical perspective, it is the most momentous undertaking."
Has it already been accomplished? Of course; yet it is not something
we require at this precise moment. Today, we already possess—we
already know—what must be done when the opportunity for it finally
arrives.
"It
constitutes the solution to the great pending problem of continuing
the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat." Yes,
that pending problem has indeed been resolved; for had it remained
unresolved, we would have stood defenseless in the face of a peaceful
restoration. Years earlier, the Chairman had already told us: "We
know how to seize power by force of arms—and no one can strip it
from us by force of arms—but we do not yet know how to ward off a
restoration; we do not know how to prevent capitalism from
reasserting its dominance, or from usurping the leadership of the
Party. That, we do not yet know." Well, now we do know; he has
resolved it. This does not, however, exempt us from having to contend
with periods of restoration and counter-restoration. Let us hope that
the historical perspective allows us to ward it off once and for
all—and this is indeed feasible. For if we trace our trajectory
back to the 1970s—to '70 or '71—we have already accumulated over
a century of experience; thus, the power of the class must now take
root—and it *will* take root. In the coming decades, it will firmly
establish itself; and that, too, is an integral part of our work. But
the matter is now resolved, comrades; the path for the continuation
of the revolution has been secured—and that constitutes a new
problem, one of momentous historical significance.
"It
represents a new stage—one even deeper and broader in scope—in
the development of the socialist revolution in our country."
Such were the Chairman's words: "a new stage—deeper and
broader—in the development of the socialist revolution in our
country."
We
have deemed that citing the specific text of the Decision serves to
articulate, with the utmost clarity, the very objectives that the
Cultural Revolution sought to achieve. That is why we have
transcribed the resolution of the Communist Party of China; I believe
it is concrete, and they knew very well what it was about. It is
excellent that it is included there.
We
maintain that two issues must be considered: "1) that the GPCR
constitutes a milestone in the development of the dictatorship of the
proletariat toward the consolidation of the proletariat in power."
What was its concrete manifestation? Revolutionary Committees.
Indeed, it represents a development—a method for further unfolding
and advancing the dictatorship of the proletariat—for during the
Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the establishment of a Commune was
not on the agenda. This stands in contrast to the view held by
Avakian, who asserts that the Chairman prevented Chang Chung-chiao
from bringing the Commune into reality; such a claim amounts to
slandering Chairman Mao Zedong. An attempt was made to establish a
People's Commune in Shanghai during the 1950s—and it was, in fact,
established—but it did not last; it failed because the time was not
yet ripe. During the Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the same issue
arose once again in Shanghai: Comrade Chang Chung-chiao—and, in my
view, this constitutes no discredit to him, for while he is not
Chairman Mao Zedong, this fact does not diminish his stature as a
great revolutionary, nor does it negate the honor he earned by never
bending the knee—along with Wuan jung-wen, proposed the
establishment of a Commune. However, the conditions for a Commune
were not yet ripe; specifically, the key unresolved issue was the
question of how the Party was to exercise leadership.
In
early 1967, the "January Storm" erupted in Shanghai. The
working class mobilized, while reactionary forces attempted to
paralyze this great industrial hub of China—and sever its
communications—in an effort to provoke a backlash among the people
of Shanghai. (Bear in mind that we are speaking of a city that, at
the time, had 13 million inhabitants—quite a "small"
city!) It was there that the working class—led by communists—rose
up in rebellion; they seized power, overthrew the usurpers, and
established a new governing authority. The issue that subsequently
arose was that the comrades in Shanghai proposed the formation of a
"Commune." Chairman Mao opposed this—the Commune model
had, in fact, already been attempted in Shanghai during the 1950s and
had proven impracticable; it simply could not be successfully
implemented. The Chairman argued that the Commune model was
inappropriate for the moment—that it required a more advanced stage
of development. The central issue he raised regarding the Commune was
that of Party leadership—mark this well: *Party leadership*. He
argued that the challenge was not merely to mobilize the vast
millions of the masses—the true makers of history, which is all
well and good—but that such mobilization required political
leadership. Without that political leadership provided by the Party,
the long-term transformation toward communism—under the
dictatorship of the proletariat—could not be sustained, precisely
as Marx himself had envisioned (as outlined in the *Critique of the
Gotha Programme*—the concept was already established by Marx).
Consequently, the Chairman maintained that what needed to be
established were "Revolutionary Committees of Triple
Intergration." What did this entail? First, outstanding
revolutionary representatives of the masses, tempered in the crucible
of that struggle; and second, members of the army—which had been
called upon to support what was by then beginning to be termed the
"Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution" (it was initially
referred to simply as the "Cultural Revolution," and later
as the "Socialist Cultural Revolution," but the name that
ultimately prevailed throughout this process was the GPCR,
specifically to underscore its proletarian character). Thus, a
monumental step was taken in the recapture of state power.
This
entire process spanned several years—years that witnessed the most
powerful mass movement in history to be politically directed by a
Communist Party. Never, until today, has such a mobilization been
witnessed—nor such a capacity for organization and leadership.
Thus, a great stride is taken in the recapture of Power. (Excerpts
from President Gonzalo’s address at the I Congress of the PCP)
3.
PRESIDENT MAO ON THE GOAL OF THE GPCR
In
his remarks during the visit of the Albanian military delegation on
May 1, 1967—which first appeared in an unofficial Red Guard
publication during the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution—President Mao Zedong addressed those in attendance,
stating:
Now
I would like to ask you a question: What would you say is the goal of
the Great Cultural Revolution? (Someone answered on the spot: It is
to struggle against power holders within the party who take the
capitalist road.) To struggle against power holders who take the
capitalist road is the main task, but it is by no means the goal. The
goal is to solve the problem of world outlook: it is the question of
eradicating the roots of revisionism.
The
Central Committee has emphasized time and again that the masses must
educate themselves and liberate themselves. This is because world
outlook cannot be imposed on them. In order to transform ideology, it
is necessary for the external causes to function through inner
causes, though the latter are principal. If the world outlook is not
transformed, how can the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution be
called a victory? If the world outlook is not transformed, then
although there are 2,000 power holders taking the capitalist road in
this Great Cultural Revolution, there may be 4,000 next time. The
cost of this Great Cultural Revolution has been very great, and even
though the question of the struggle between the two classes and the
two roads cannot be resolved by one, two, three or four Great
Cultural Revolutions, still, this Great Cultural Revolution, should
consolidate things for a decade at least. In the course of one
century, it may be possible to launch such a revolution two or three
times at most. Thus we must focus our attention on eradicating the
roots of revisionism in order to strengthen our ability to guard
against and oppose revisionism at any time.
In
another post, we will look at the history of the GRCP.
¡Viva el 60º aniversario de la Gran Revolución Cultural Proletaria!
La Liga Comunista Internacional en su Decaración por el 1° de Mayo de 2026 ha llamado a celebrar el 60º aniversario del inicio de la Gran Revolución
Cultural Proletaria dirigida por el Presidente Mao Tsetung, que "representa un hito histórico en la experiencia histórica de la
Revolución Proletaria Mundial." La Declaración también precisa el contenido e importancia de esta celebración:
"¡Bombardear los cuarteles generales del revisionismo!
El Presidente Mao nos enseñó que sólo
combatiendo al revisionismo es posible desarrollar las fuerzas de la
revolución. Esto es porque, al enfrentarnos a nuevas tareas de la
revolución mundial, es necesario elevar la lucha entre el
Marxismo-Leninismo-Maoísmo y el revisionismo en todas sus formas. Hoy,
cuando celebramos el 60º aniversario de la GRCP, debemos reafirmar
nuestra lucha contra la restauración capitalista en China, elevando
nuestra lucha contra el revisionismo del falso “PCCh”. El revisionismo
de Xi Jinping representa una de las principales variantes de
revisionismo, uno de los principales peligros para el movimiento
proletario internacional y el movimiento de liberación nacional y debe
ser ferozmente combatido en todos los frentes." Y establece las consignas siguientes: "¡Bombardear los cuarteles generales del revisionismo! ¡Viva el Marxismo-Leninismo-Maoísmo!¡Viva la Liga Comunista Internacional! ¡Abajo el imperialismo! ¡Viva la Guerra Popular!"¡Viva el 60º aniversario de la Gran Revolución Cultural Proletaria!
El MPP se suma al llamado de la Decración del 1° de Mayo de 2026 de la LCI con la publicación en entregas sucesivas de patrtes seleccinadas de los materiales del Partido Comunista del Perú sobre la GRCP.
Movimiento Popular Perú
Mayo de 2026
I
1. La Gran Revolución Cultural
Proletaria en perspectiva histórica es lo
más trascendental del desarrollo del
marxismo-leninismo por el Presidente Mao; es la
solución del gran problema pendiente de la
continuación de la revolución bajo la
dictadura del proletariado; "representa una nueva etapa,
aún mús profunda y más amplia, en el
desarrollo de la revolución socialista de nuestro
país".
¿Qué situación se presentó?
Como dice la Decisión del P.C.Ch. sobre la GRCP:
"Aunque derrocada, la burguesía todavía trata
de valerse de las viejas ideas, cultura, hábitos y
costumbres de las clases explotadoras para corromper a las
masas y conquistar la mente del pueblo en su esfuerzo por
restaurar su Poder. El proletariado debe hacer exactamente
lo contrario: debe propinar golpes despiadados y frontales a
todos los desafíos de la burguesía en el
dominio ideológico y cambiar la fisonomía
espiritual de toda la sociedad utilizando sus propias nuevas
ideas, cultura, hábitos y costumbres. Nuestro
objetivo actual es aplastar, mediante la lucha, a los que
ocupan puestos dirigentes y siguen el camino capitalista,
criticar y repudiar a las "autoridades" reaccionarias
burguesas en el campo académico, criticar y repudiar
la ideología de la burguesía y demás
clases explotadoras, y transformar la educación, la
literatura y el arte y los demás dominios de la
superestructura que no corresponden a la base
económica del socialismo, a fin de facilitar la
consolidación y el desarrollo del sistema
socialista".
En estas condiciones se produjo el más
estremecedor proceso político y la mayor
movilización de masas que ha visto la Tierra, cuyos
objetivos los definió así el Presidente Mao:
"La Presente Gran Revolución Cultural Proletaria es
completamente necesaria y muy oportuna para consolidar la
dictadura del proletariado, prevenir la restauración
del capitalismo y construir el socialismo".
Destaquemos además dos cuestiones: 1) que la GRCP
implica un hito en el desarrollo de la dictadura del
proletariado hacia el afianzamiento del proletariado en el
Poder, que se concretó en los Comités
Revolucionarios; y 2) la restauración del capitalismo
en China, después del golpe contrarrevolucionario del
76, no es la negación de la GRCP sino llanamente
parte de la contienda entre
restauración-contrarrestauración y, por el
contrario, nos muestra la trascendental importancia
histórica que tiene la GRCP en la inexorable marcha
de la humanidad al comunismo. (Extracto de Documentos Fundamentales, Sobre el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo, I Congreso del PCP, 1988)
2. COMENTARIOS DEL PRESIDENTE GONZALO :
La revolución china ha demostrado la necesidad de la Revolución
Cultural, que la revolución demandaba denodada lucha pero que era
necesaria, para continuar, la revolución bajo la dictadura del
proletariado. Obviamente, la Gran Revolución Cultural Proletaria es un
canto épico de la revolución en el mundo, un hito de victoria para los
comunistas y revolucionarlos en el mundo, es un hecho imborrable. Si
bien ha de ser un proceso al que hemos de afrontar, esa revolución nos
ha dejado grandes lecciones que ya apllcamos como, a guisa de ejemplo,
la cuestión de cambiar la ideología como fundamental para que la clase
tome el Poder, hoy generar salto ideológico para conquistar el Poder.(Extracto de la Intervención del Presidente Gonzalo en reunión de dirigentes y cuadros
con motivo del 40 Aniversario de la Revolución China, 30 de setiembre de
1989.)
La
revolución cultural proletaria no está a la orden del día; a la orden del día está
el problema de definir nuestra ideología: si es maoísmo o qué cosa
es; a la orden del día está la revolución democrática; la
socialista y principalmente la democrática por el peso de la masa en
la historia. Por eso decimos “en perspectiva histórica es lo más
trascendental". ¿Ya está hecha?, claro, pero no es pues una
cosa que necesitamos en este momento; hoy, ya tenemos, sabemos lo que
tenemos que hacer cuando llegue su oportunidad.
"Es
la solución del gran problema pendiente de la continuación de la
revolución bajo la dictadura del proletariado", sí, el
problema pendiente ya está resuelto porque si no se resolvería
entonces hubiéramos estado desarmados frente a la restauración
pacífica. El Presidente, años antes, ya nos decía: "sabemos
tomar el Poder con las armas, nadie nos lo quita con las armas, pero
no sabemos cómo conjurar la restauración, no sabemos cómo impedir
que vuelva a dominar el capitalismo, que usurpe la dirección del
Partido, no sabemos eso"; pues ya lo sabemos, ya lo resolvió.
Eso no quita que tengamos que lidiar con restauraciones y
contrarrestauraciones; ojalá que la perspectiva histórica permita
conjurarla en definitiva, y es factible, porque si arrancamos desde
el 70 del siglo pasado, 71, ya tenemos más de 100 años, entonces ya
el Poder de la clase tiene que irse afincando, y se va a afincar, en
estos decenios que vienen se va a afincar, y eso es parte de nuestro
trabajo. Pero ya está la cuestión resuelta pues camaradas, ya está
la continuación y ese es problema nuevo y de perspectiva
trascendental.
“Representa
una nueva etapa, aún más profunda y más amplia, en el desarrollo
de la revolución socialista de nuestro país", así decía el
Presidente, "nueva etapa más profunda y más amplia en el
desarrollo de la revolución socialista de nuestro país".
Hemos
considerado que poner lo que dice la Decisión expresa muy claramente
lo que buscaba la revolución cultural; por eso hemos transcrito la
resolución del Partido Comunista de China, creo que es concreta y
ellos sabían muy bien de que se trataba. Es muy bueno que esté
allí.
Decimos
que hay que ver dos cuestiones: "1) que la GRCP implica un hito
en el desarrollo de la dictadura del proletariado hacia el
afianzamiento del proletariado en el Poder". ¿Cuál ha sido su
concreción?: Comités Revolucionarios. Sí, es un desarrollo de cómo
desenvolver más, avanzar la dictadura del proletariado, pues en la
revolución cultural proletaria no estuvo a la orden del día hacer
Comuna, como cree Avakian quien de esa manera va a afirmarnos que el
Presidente impidió que Chang Chung-chao plasmara la Comuna; eso cc,
es infamar al Presidente Mao Tsetung. La Comuna Popular se quiso
implantar en los años cincuenta en Shanghai y se la llegó a
implantar, no duró, fracasó porque no estaba maduro el tiempo;
cuando la revolución cultural proletaria, en Shanghai, otra vez
vuelven a la misma, el c. Chang Chung-chao -y este no es a mi modo de
ver, demérito para él, él no es el Presidente Mao Tsetung, no le
quita su gran condición de revolucionario y de no haber hincado la
rodilla, es una honra-, pero el camarada, así como Wuan jung-wen,
plantearon Comuna, pero no estaba madura la Comuna y el problema
clave que no estaba maduro era cómo el Partido dirigía.
A
comienzos del año 67 se da la
Tormenta de Enero en Shangai,
la clase obrera se moviliza, la reacción intenta paralizar este gran
centro industrial de China y cortar las comunicaciones para generar
la repulsa del pueblo de Shangai -piensen que estamos hablando de una
ciudad que entonces tenía 13’000,000 de habitantes, una pequeña
ciudad-; ahí la clase obrera dirigida por comunistas se rebela y van
a tomar el Poder, derrumban a los usurpadores y establecen un Poder.
El
problema que ahí se va a presentar es que los camaradas en Shangai
plantean la formación de una comuna;
el
Presidente
Mao va a oponerse -la comuna ya había sido creada también en los
años 50s en Shangai y demostró que era impracticable, no se podía
plasmar-, el
Presidente
sostuvo que la comuna no cabía, no era el momento, que eso requería
un mayor avance y el problema central que él planteó en la cuestión
de la comuna era la dirección del Partido,
¡ojo!, dirección del Partido, que el problema no era simplemente
mover grandes millones
de masas que son las que hacen el mundo,
está muy bien, pero
necesita una dirección política,
sin esa dirección
política del Partido
no puede continuarse la transformación a largo plazo bajo la
dictadura del proletariado para ir al comunismo, como concibiera el
propio Marx, Programa de Gotha, ahí está, ya Marx planteó eso. Y
sostuvo el Presidente que lo que debía crearse era Comités
Revolucionarios de Triple Integración,
¿qué implica eso?: representantes destacados revolucionarios de las
masas fraguados en esa lucha; luego, miembros del ejército que
también había sido llamado a apoyar a lo que ya comenzaba a
llamarse Gran Revolución Cultural Proletaria -antes se llamó
simplemente revolución cultural y después se la llamó revolución
cultura socialista, pero el nombre con el cual quedó en este proceso
fue de GRCP
para destacar el carácter proletario de la misma…- Así, se da un
gran paso en la recaptura del Poder.
Todo
esto lleva varios años, años en los cuales se ha registrado el
más poderoso movimiento de masas políticamente dirigido por un
Partido Comunista; nunca hasta hoy se ha visto semejante movilización
ni semejante capacidad de organización ni de dirección. Así, se da un
gran paso en la recaptura del Poder. (Extractos de la intervención del Presidente Gonzalo en el I Congreso del PCP)
3. EL PRESIDENTE MAO SOBRE LA META DE LA GRCP
El Presidente Mao Tsetung en su charla durante la visita de la delegación militar de Albania el Primero de Mayo de 1967, que apareció por primera vez en una publicación no oficial de los Guardias Rojos durante la Gran Revolución Cultura Proletaria, dirigiéndose a los asistentes dijo:
" Ahora me gustaría hacerles una pregunta: ¿Cuál creen Uds. que es la meta de la Gran Revolución Cultural? (Algunos asistentes responden: “Luchar contra los dirigentes seguidores del camino capitalista dentro del partido”)."
Entonces, el Presidente, aclaró: " Luchar contra los dirigentes seguidores del camino capitalista es la tarea principal, pero de ninguna manera la meta. La meta es resolver el problema de la concepción del mundo; es la cuestión de extirpar las raíces del revisionismo.El Comité Central ha puesto énfasis una y otra vez en que las masas se deben educar y liberar así mismas, porque la concepción del mundo no se les puede imponer. Para transformar la ideología es necesario que las causas externas actúen a través de las causas internas, aunque éstas últimas son lo principal. ¿Cómo podría llamarse una victoria la Gran Revolución Cultural si no se transforma la concepción del mundo? Si no se transforma la concepción del mundo, aunque haya ahora 2.000 dirigentes seguidores del camino capitalista en esta Gran Revolución Cultural, habrá 4.000 la próxima vez. El costo de esta Gran Revolución Cultural ha sido muy grande y aun cuando el problema de la lucha entre las dos clases y los dos caminos no se puede resolver con una, dos, tres o cuatro grandes revoluciones culturales, esta Gran Revolución Cultural deberá consolidar las cosas al menos por una década. En el curso de un siglo, quizá sea posible lanzar tal revolución dos o tres veces cuando más. Aquí debemos dedicar nuestro trabajo a arrancar las raíces del revisionismo con el fin de fortalecer nuestra capacidad de protegernos y oponernos al revisionismo en todo momento."
The Cuban Revolution triumphed in 1959 and resonated throughout Latin America. Why did it resonate? Because, breaking with decades of history, it showed that victory could be achieved through armed struggle. That is what resonated, and just 90 miles from the United States, right under its nose; it was a breath of fresh air throughout the Americas, and it had a profound impact on young people.
First, it is important to highlight the following historical facts:
From the beginning, Yankee imperialism tried to crush the Cuban Revolution through various means in an attempt to once again subject Cuba to its semi-colonial control. Then, against the fiercest enemy of the world's peoples, the Latin American masses mobilized in defense of the revolution on the rebel island, chanting the slogan: CUBA YES, YANKEES NO!
As part of understanding the historical events of the Cuban Revolution and its contribution to the development of the national liberation movement of oppressed nations, it is essential to remember that:
In 1961, U.S. imperialism intervened militarily with its mercenaries (“worms”) and was shamefully defeated at the Bay of Pigs. For the peoples of our American continent, it was a victory for history.
The Bay of Pigs followed the defeat of U.S. imperialism in Korea, from which they had to flee like rats in 1953 after the defeat at Luchon, and it foreshadowed their defeat in South Vietnam.
“In 1973, the U.S. had to accept its defeat; as the Yankees said then, Nixon, “Let us save face,” that was the whole problem they had, an honorable retreat, “don’t let them humiliate us,” that was all they asked for, the all-powerful Yankee imperialists.
Chairman Mao is right: “not everything that is big is powerful, nor should it be feared,” because Marxism is big, and that is all-powerful, and before that all the reactionaries should tremble because they will be swept away.” (Chairman Gonzalo, First Congress of the PCP, 1978).
Secondly, it is necessary to make it very clear that:
Cuba is also the story of an unfinished revolution; because the revolution would become increasingly subject to Soviet revisionism, becoming by the end of the 1960s a semi-colony of the revisionist USSR.
Let us recall that in the great debate within the international communist movement between Marxism and revisionism, the Castroist movement adopted a Third Way position.
Therefore, throughout the 1960s, Latin America suffered an erroneous and pernicious influence from petty-bourgeois Third Wayism. This Third Wayism of the petty bourgeoisie sought to replace the proletariat as the leading class of the revolution and wrest its hegemony from it, preaching the non-need for a Communist Party. Attempting to generalize the experience of the Cuban Revolution, they preached the so-called particularism of revolution in Latin America, furiously attacking Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought and proclaiming its obsolescence, as well as that of the universal laws of People's War.
All the attempts at Third Wayism ended, as was inevitable, in defeat. The PCP established "the peremptory obligation and necessity to systematize the experiences acquired to date in order to continue the struggle." And taking stock of the decade, it concluded that:
“The 1960s were a period of victory for Marxism-Leninism in Latin America and throughout the world.” (1)
After the bankruptcy of revisionism and the collapse of Soviet social-imperialism in December 1991, Cuba was left without a leader and with acute existential problems. Its current situation stems from that event.
Cuba suffers from continued Yankee imperialist aggression for seventy years, marked by terrorist attacks, sabotage, and assassination attempts against its leaders, such as those carried out against Fidel Castro and others. Six decades of relentless economic blockade.
Currently, the United States government, led by the genocidal Trump, while claiming deceitful successes in its war of aggression against Venezuela and Latin America, seeks to capitalize on this partial and relative advantage in the Caribbean to attack Cuba. Its immediate objective is regime change, replacing it with one subject to its direct administration, a government under its protectorate, similar to that established in Venezuela under the Rodríguez brothers. Thus, the Yankee imperialists seek to use Cuba's strength to impose their will on South America, implementing their sinister plan of political, economic, and military occupation of our continent as a foundation for maintaining their global hegemony (2).
Yankee imperialism seeks to achieve its objective of regime change by brandishing the threat of a direct attack against the island, based on the deployment of its powerful military force in the region under the name of Operation Southern Spear (3). However, fearing that this could cost it another humiliating defeat, it is attempting to provoke internal subversion through genocide, what they call "the final economic strangulation," according to the imperialist media themselves. We quote:
"The decision to punish the supply of oil to the island with tariffs exacerbates the economic and social strangulation.
The strangulation of oil to the island worsened at the beginning of the year with the United States' military attack on Venezuela, its main supplier for decades. President Donald Trump has tightened the screws even further by announcing that he will punish with tariffs anyone who sells or supplies oil to the island. The noose around the neck of Cubans is tightening ever more, as they live mired in a profound structural crisis, where almost the only possible objective is survival."
Trying to reinforce the military encirclement of the island within the framework of Operation Southern Spear, part of the powerful US naval fleet has been deployed to Haiti under the pretext of combating drug trafficking (the “narco-boats”).
Therefore, it is necessary to briefly address the militarization of politics. In the US, this has a long history in both its domestic and foreign policy.
Domestically, the Trump administration uses militarization in the fight against “illegal” immigration, organized crime, drug trafficking, etc., employing military and police forces under its direct control for the absolute centralization of power in its hands as a representative of its imperialist faction (PR), seeking to subjugate state governments under governors from the Democratic Party faction and, most importantly, to wage war against the people for its foreign policy.
The verbal threats, violent rhetoric, and brutal and excessive use of force by Trump, other officials in his administration, and the repressive forces under his central control are not signs of strength but of weakness. Since the US is an immense country, Trump does not have sufficient forces to overcome the resistance of his rivals or of the American proletariat and people throughout its vast territory. He resorts to extreme violence in some states to subdue them through terror, hoping to force others to submit to him, but if he cannot overcome resistance in these places, he retreats. He fails only to try again later, and thus he will go from failure to failure both in his own country and in the world.
In their Defense Strategy of the War Department (January 24, 2026), they themselves confess their limitation of forces:
“In this approach, it is essential to be realistic about the magnitude of the threats we face and the resources available to address them. (...) Instead, the Department will prioritize the most significant, serious, and dangerous threats to American interests. We will restore the war philosophy and rebuild the joint force so that America’s enemies will never doubt our resolve or ability to respond decisively to these threats.”
With this “war philosophy,” they seek to impose their hegemonic imperialist order both domestically and internationally.
Regarding Latin America, U.S. imperialism uses the militarization of the fight against drug trafficking, “narco-terrorism,” organized crime, the illegal economy, etc., forcing the region’s governments to sign agreements and conventions on these matters using the bland rhetoric of “building cooperative capacity and improving interoperability.” Its objective is to coordinate the work of national security forces internationally, subordinated, directly or indirectly, to Washington's directives." (4)
In 2012, the US had "a corridor stretching from Colombia to Mexico, passing through Central America." Any hint of independence by the region's governments is seen as a threat to its interventionist policy.
Assistance to these subservient armed forces takes the form of support for anti-narcotics initiatives, such as the Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), which began in 2008 following the Mérida Initiative and continued until 2014, providing assistance, equipment, and training to Central American police and military forces.
Mexico falls under the jurisdiction of the US Northern Command, but south of its borders lies the Southern Command, which operates from a $400 million facility just west of Miami, responsible for all US military activities in Central and South America.
Finally we say:
Today we revive the old slogan, “CUBA YES, YANKEES NO!”, to support the Cuban people’s struggle against imperialist aggression, which unfolds according to its military doctrine of “peace through strength”—that is, imposing its imperialist interests (those of the Yankee financial oligarchy) through war or the credible threat of its use.
This is a fitting slogan to confront the imperialist plan to hegemonize the Caribbean in order to advance its plan of political, economic, and military occupation of Latin America. As was once said, and is truer today, the Yankee imperialists intend to use Cuba’s strength to overwhelm all of America. With this slogan, our peoples unite with Cuba’s cause in defense of its independence, its formal sovereignty, on its path to complete independence, which it will only achieve by carrying the revolution through to the end.
And, we quote the following from Chairman Gonzalo's speech of September 24, 1992:
“All that they told us, the empty and foolish chatter of the famous 'new stage of peace,' what has become of it? What about Yugoslavia? What about other places? Everything was politicized; that's a lie. Today, the reality is this: the same combatants of World Wars I and II are generating, are preparing for World War III. We must know this, and we, as children of an oppressed country, are part of the spoils! We cannot allow it! Enough of imperialist exploitation! We must put an end to them! We are from the Third World, and the Third World is the base of the world proletarian revolution, on one condition: that the Communist Parties raise the banner and lead it. That is what must be done!”
LONG LIVE PEOPLE'S WAR!
PERU PEOPLE’S MOVEMENT
February 2026
NOTES:
(1) LATIN AMERICA: PEOPLE'S WAR, Great Victories, Bright Perspective, Red Flag, Number 42, May 1970, Central Committee, Communist Party of Peru.
(2) The global hegemonic and counterrevolutionary plan, implemented by the government of the arch-reactionary and genocidal Trump, dates back to the beginning of the last decade of the last century. This plan is readjusted by each new Yankee government according to the development of the class struggle in the country itself and in the world and is published as the National Defense Strategy (National Defense Strategy or "NDS"), the new one is from November 2025; whose military doctrine or strategy is called the National Security Strategy (NSS), published on January 24, 2026 by the United States Department of War.
The plan in its strategic objectives and general guidelines was established during the Bush Sr. government (198-92), when without a world war Soviet revisionism collapsed, the USSR collapsed and its spheres of influence entered into a new distribution in the midst of imperialist collusion and struggle (December 1991) and Yankee imperialism became the sole hegemonic superpower. Still in the final part of the process of definitive decomposition of social-imperialism, the previous year, President Gonzalo, pointed out in a precise and forceful way, what imperialist strategists had established for their plan of world domination in the coming century:
"The United States and Latin America, its great area. Bush Initiative for Latin America, unite Mexico, the axis, to the unity of the US and Canada to hegemonize over the Caribbean, extend to South America, controlling more and more Central America, thus preparing for the future in the Pacific basin." (II Plenary Session of the Centra Committee (August 1990).
(3) Operation “Southern Spear” was announced in November by Hegseth and is part of the deployment of US warships and military aircraft to Latin America. According to Washington, this operation aims to combat vessels used for drug trafficking by cartels defined as “narcoterrorists.”
(4) Drug War Capitalism, AK Press, December 2014), in Spanish as Anti-Drug Capitalism, A War Against the People, Dawn Marie Paley, Community Society for Strategic Studies Freedom Under Words, 2018 Mexico.
Informacíon sobre la Guerra Popular, el Presidente Gonzalo y el maoísmo
¡CUBA SÍ, YANQUIS NO! ¡Yanquis go home!
¡Proletarios de todos los países, uníos!
¡CUBA SÍ, YANQUIS NO! NOTES:
¡Yanquis go home!
La revolución cubana triunfó en 1959 y
repercutió en América Latina. ¿Por qué repercutió?, porque rompiendo
decenios mostró que tomando las armas se podía triunfar, eso es lo que
repercutió, y a 90 millas de los Estados Unidos, en sus propias barbas;
fue un aire renovador en toda América, repercutió mucho en la juventud.
En primer lugar, corresponde resaltar los hechos históricos, siguientes:
Desde el principio, el imperialismo yanqui
trató de aplastar la revolución cubana mediante diversas formas para
tratar de someter nuevamente a Cuba bajo su control semicolonial.
Entonces, contra el enemigo más feroz de los pueblos del mundo, las
masas latinoamericanas se movilizaron en defensa de la revolución en la
isla rebelde agitando la consigna: ¡CUBA SÍ, YANQUIS NO!
Como parte de los hechos históricos de la
revolución cubana y su aporte al desarrollo del movimiento de liberación
nacional de las naciones oprimidas, es necesario tener bien presente,
que:
En 1961, el imperialismo yanqui intervino
militarmente con sus mercenarios (“gusanos”) y fue derrotado
vergonzosamente en Bahía de Cochinos. Para los pueblos de nuestro
continente americano, fue una batalla a favor de la historia.
Bahía de Cochinos se sumó a la derrota del
imperialismo yanqui en Corea, de donde en 1953 tuvieron que salir
huyendo como ratas después de la derrota de Luchon, y fue como un
anuncio de su derrota en Vietnam del Sur.
“El 73, EE.UU tuvo que aceptar su derrota;
como decían entonces los yanquis, Nixon, “permítanos sacar la cara”, es
todo el problema que tenían, una retirada honrosa, “que no nos
humillen”, eso era todo lo que pedían, los todopoderosos imperialistas
yanquis.
Razón tiene el Presidente Mao: “no todo lo
grande es poderoso ni debe tenérsele miedo” porque grande es el
marxismo y ese sí es todopoderoso y ante eso tienen que temblar todos
los reaccionarios porque serán barridos.” (Presidente Gonzalo, I
Congreso del PCP, 1978).
En segundo lugar, es necesario dejar bien claro,que:
Cuba es también la historia de una
revolución inconclusa; pues, la revolución se van a sujetar cada vez más
al revisionismo soviético, pasando a finales de la década del 60 a ser
semicolonia de la URSS revisionista.
Recordemos, que en la gran polémica en el
movimiento comunista internacional entre marxismo y revisionismo, el
movimiento castrista adoptó una posición tercerista.
Por lo anterior, durante toda la década
del 60, Latino América sufrió una errónea y perniciosa influencia por
parte del tercerismo pequeño burgués. El tercerismo de la pequeña
burguesía pretendió sustituir al proletariado como clase dirigente de la
revolución y arrebatarle su hegemonía, predicaban la no necesidad de
Partido Comunista. Tratando de generalizar la experiencia de revolución
cubana predicaban el llamado particularismo de la revolución en América
Latina, atacando furiosamente el marxismo-leninismo-pensamiento Mao
Tsetung, preconizando su caducidad, así como la de las leyes universales
de la Guerra Popular.
Todos los intentos del tercerismo
terminaron, como tenía que suceder, en la derrota. El PCP estableció,
“la perentoria obligación y necesidad de sistematizar las experiencias
adquiridas hasta hoy para continuar la lucha”. Y haciendo balance de la
década, concluyó, que:
“La década del 60 ha sido una etapa de victoria para el marxismo-leninismo en América Latina y en el mundo entero.” (1)
Luego de la bancarrota del revisionismo y
el hundimiento del socialimperialismo soviético en diciembre de 1991,
Cuba se queda sin bastón de mando y con agudos problemas existenciales.
Su actual situación deriva de ese hecho.
Cuba sufre la agresión imperialista yanqui
continuada por cercada de setenta año con ataques terroristas,
sabotajes y atentados para asesinar a sus dirigentes como los realizados
contra Fidel Castro y otros. Seis décadas de implacable bloqueo
económico,
Actualmente, el gobierno
de los Estados Unidos encabezado por el genocida Trump. cantando
tramposos éxitos en su guerra de agresión contra Venezuela y América
Latina, busca capitalizar esa ventaja parcial y relativa en el Caribe
para atacar a Cuba, persigue como objetivo inmediato el cambio de
régimen por uno sujeto a su administración directa, un gobierno bajo su
protectorado, similar al establecido en Venezuela con los hermanos
Rodríguez. Así, los imperialistas yanquis buscan caer con la fuerza de
Cuba sobre América del Sur en aplicación de su siniestro plan de
ocupación política, económica y militar de nuestro continente como base
de la mantención de su hegemonía mundial (2).
El imperialismo yanqui busca lograr su
objetivo de cambio de régimen blandiendo la amenaza de un ataque directo
contra la isla basada en el despliegue de su poderosa fuerza militar en
la región bajo el nombre de operación ‘Southern Spear’ (3), pero ante
el temor que esto le puede costar una nueva humillante derrota, está
tratando de provocar la subversión interna mediante el genocidio, lo que
llaman “la asfixia económica final” según los propios medios
imperialistas, citamos:
“La decisión de castigar con aranceles el suministro de petróleo a la isla agrava la asfixia económica y social.
El estrangulamiento del petróleo a la isla
se agravó a principios de año con el ataque militar de Estados Unidos a
Venezuela, principal proveedor desde hace décadas. El presidente Donald
Trump ha dado un nuevo giro de tuerca anunciando que castigará con
aranceles a cualquiera que venda o suministre petróleo a la isla. La
soga al cuello cada vez aprieta más a los cubanos, que viven sumidos en
una profunda crisis estructural, donde casi el único objetivo posible es
la supervivencia.”
Tratando de cubrir el cerco militar contra
la Isla dentro del marco de la operación ‘Southern Spear’ parte de la
poderosa flota naval de los EEUU se ha desplazado a Haití con el
pretexto de combate al narcotráfico (las “narco lancha”).
Por lo anterior es necesario mus
brevemente referirnos a la militarización de la política. En los EEUU,
tanto para su política interna como exterior tiene larga data.
En lo interno el gobierno de Trump usa la
militarización de la lucha contra la migración “ilegal”, contra el
crimen organizado, antinarcoticos, etc., usando fuerzas militares y
policiales bajo su control directo para la centralización absoluta del
Poder en sus manos como representante de su facción imperialista (PR),
buscando someter bajo su control a los gobiernos de los estados bajo
gobernadores de la facción del Partido Demócrata y, lo que es principal,
para la guerra contra el pueblo para su guerra exterior.
Las amenazas verbales, discurso violentos y
uso brutal y desmedido de la fuerza de parte de Trump, demás
funcionarios de su gobierno y de las fuerzas represiva bajo su control
central no son muestra de fortaleza sino de debilidad. Como los EEUU es
un país inmenso, Trump no tiene las fuerzas suficientes para doblegar la
resistencia de sus rivales o del proletariado y el pueblo
norteamericano en todo su inmenso territorio. Recurre a la violencia
extrema en algunos estados para someterlos por el terror buscando que
los demás se le sometan, pero si no puede conseguir doblegar la
resistencia en estos lugares actúa por volverse hacia atrás. Fracasa
para buscar repetir después, pero así irá de fracaso en fracaso en su
propio país como en el mundo.
En su Estrategia de Defensa del Departamento de Guerra (24 de enero 2026), ellos mismos confiesan su limitación de fuerzas:
“En este enfoque, es esencial ser realista
sobre la magnitud de las amenazas a las que nos enfrentamos y los
recursos disponibles para hacerles frente. (…). En su lugar, el
Departamento dará prioridad a las amenazas más importantes, graves y
peligrosas para los intereses de los estadounidenses. Restauraremos la
filosofía bélica y reconstruiremos la fuerza conjunta para que los
enemigos de Estados Unidos nunca duden de nuestra determinación o
capacidad para responder de manera decisiva a esas amenazas.“
Con esa “filosofía bélica” buscan imponer su orden hegemónico imperialista en lo interno y externo.
En cuanto a América Latina el imperialismo
yanqui usa la militarización del combate al narcotráfico,
“narco-terrorismo”, crimen organizado. economía ilegal, etc. obligando a
los gobiernos de la región a firmar acuerdo y convenios en esas
materias usando «la palabrería anodina de ‘construir capacidad de
cooperación y mejorar la interoperabilidad’. Su objetivo coordinar el
trabajo de las fuerzas de seguridad nacionales a nivel internacional,
subordinadas, de manera directa o indirecta, a la dirección de
Washington»(4)
En 2012, los EEUU disponian de “un
corredor que va de Colombia a México, pasando por Centroamérica”.
Cualquier atisbo de independencia de los gobiernos de la región es vista
como una amenaza a su política de intervención.
La asistencia a las fuerzas armadas
lacayas toma la forma de apoyos a iniciativas antinarcóticos, como la
Iniciativa de Seguridad Regional para América Central (CARSI), que
empezó en 2008 tras la Iniciativa Mérida y continuaba hasta 2014, con
asistencia, equipo y entrenamiento a las fuerzas policiacas y militares
de Centroamérica.
México corresponde a la jurisdicción del
Comando Norte de los EEUU, pero al sur de sus fronteras es el Comando
Sur, el cual opera desde unas instalaciones de 400 millones de dólares
justo al oeste de Miami, el responsable de todas las actividades
militares de EEUU en Centro ySudamérica.
Finalmente decimos:
Hoy rescatamos la vieja consigna ¡CUBA SÍ, YANQUIS NO!, para
apoyar la lucha del pueblo cubano contra la agresión imperialista que
se desarrolla de acuerdo a su doctrina militar de “paz a través de la
fuerza”, esto es, de imponer sus intereses imperialista (de la
oligarquía financiera yanqui) mediante la guerra o la amenaza creíble de
uso de la misma.
Es buena consigna para hacer frente al
plan imperialista de hegemonizar el Caribe para avanzar en su plan de
ocupación política, económica y militar de América Latina. Como alguna
vez se dijo, hoy es más cierto, los imperialistas yanquis pretenden caer
con la fuerza de Cuba sobre toda América. Con esta consigna se une a
nuestros pueblos con la causa de Cuba en defensa de su la independencia,
de su soberanía formal en su camino por la independencia completa que
solo la conquistará llevando la revolución hasta el fin.
Y, citamos del Discurso del Presidente Gonzalo del 24 de septiembre de 1992, lo siguiente
“Todo lo que nos dijeron, la cháchara
vacía y necia de la famosa «nueva etapa de paz» ¿en qué ha quedado? ¿qué
de Yugoslavia? ¿qué de otros lugares? Todo se politizó; eso es mentira.
Hoy día la realidad es una, los mismos contendientes de la I y II
Guerra Mundiales, están generando, están preparando la III nueva guerra
mundial. Eso debemos saber y nosotros como hijos de un país oprimido
somos parte del botín ¡No lo
podemos consentir! ¡Basta ya de
explotación imperialista! ¡Debemos acabar con ellos! Somos del tercer
mundo y el tercer mundo es base de la revolución proletaria mundial, con
una condición, que los Partidos Comunistas enarbolen y dirijan. ¡Es lo
que hay que hacer!”
¡VIVA LA GUERRA POPULAR!
MOVIMIENTO POPULAR PERÚ
Febrero de 2026
NOTAS:
(1) AMÉRICA LATINA: GUERRA POPULAR, Grandes Victorias, Brillante Perspectiva, Bandera Roja, Número 42, mayo de 1970
Comité Central, Partido Comunista del Perú.
(2) El plan hegemónico y
contrarrevolucionario mundial, en aplicación por el gobierno del
archirreaccionario y genocida Trump, data de comienzos de la última
década del siglo pasado. Este plan es reajustado por cada nuevo gobierno
yanqui de acuerdo al desarrollo de la lucha de clases en el propio país
y en el mundo y es publicado como Estrategia de Defensa Nacional
(National Defense Strategy o «NDS»), el nuevo es de noviembre 2025; cuya
doctrina o estrategia militar se denomina Estrategia de Seguridad
Nacional (NSS), publicada el 24 de enero de 2026 por el Departamento de
Guerra de los Estados Unidos.
El plan en sus objetivos estratégicos y
lineamientos generales fue establecido durante el gobierno de Bush
Sr.(198-92), cuando sin guerra mundial se hundió el revisionismo
soviético, la URSS colapsó y sus esferas de influencias entraron en
nuevo reparto en medio de la colusión y pugna imperialista (diciembre
1991) y el imperialismo yanqui devino en la superpotencia hegemónica
única. Todavía en la parte final del proceso de descomposición
definitiva del socialimperialismo, el año anterior, el Presidente
Gonzalo, señaló en forma precisa y contundente,lo que estrategas
imperialistas habían establecido para su plan de dominación mundial en
el siglo que se avecinaba:
“Estados Unidos y América Latina, su gran
área. Iniciativa Bush para América Latina, unir México, eje, a la unidad
EEUU y Canadá para hegemonizar sobre el Caribe, extenderse a América
del Sur, controlando más y más América Central, así prepararse para el
futuro en la cuenca del Pacífico.” (II Pleno del Comité Centra (agosto
de 1990).
(3) La operación “Southern Spear” (Lanza
del Sur) fue anunciada en noviembre por Hegseth y forma parte del
despliegue de buques de guerra y aviones militares estadounidenses en América Latina.
De acuerdo con Washington, este operativo apunta a combatir las
embarcaciones utilizadas para el tráfico de drogas por cárteles
definidos como “narcoterroristas”.
(4) Drug War Capitalism , AK Press,
diciembre de 2014), en español como Capitalismo Antidrogas, Una Guerra
contra el Pueblo, Dawn Marie Paley, Sociedad Comunitaria de Estudios
Estratégicos Libertad Bajo Palabra, 2018 México.
#Bolivia | LETTER FROM A READER: "UNTIL VICTORY"—THE LOGIC OF THE PEOPLE Below,
we share a text sent to our editorial desk by a reader, which expresses
the sentiments of the Bolivian people currently engaged in struggle:
*** It
is the popular masses who steer the course of history—even if
governments, intellectuals who fancy themselves "free thinkers," or
pragmatic and opportunistic political groups refuse to admit it.
Bolivian intellectuals and bureaucrats often claim that "personalism"
and *caudillismo* (strongman politics) originate within the popular
masses, arguing that these very masses respond only to a single leader.
Curiously, however, whenever mobilizations like those currently taking
place in Bolivia arise, the first—and irrational—response from these
renowned intellectuals and bureaucrats is to assert that the entire
movement has been orchestrated by the *caudillo* Evo Morales. This
raises an important question: Are the masses not, in fact,
*caudillista*? Why, then, do such "cultured" individuals reduce popular
expressions to the actions of a single person? Yet, this is nothing new
in history; groups holding governmental and intellectual power have
always succumbed to irrational rhetoric—from the Roman patricians who
could not fathom how a slave rebellion could bring the Roman Empire to
its knees, to the European intelligentsia who could not believe that a
proletarian-peasant revolution had exposed the failure of bourgeois
models in the mid-20th century. But, leaving aside that segment of
the petty bourgeoisie—which, in terms of social analysis, seems to be
moving backward rather than forward—let us continue. Bolivian popular
power has demonstrated a conviction so profound—a class consciousness so
overflowing—that it actually surpasses that of the established trade
union leadership. Popular power has always expressed itself in the
streets, through great mass movements where people take to the
thoroughfares to engage in collective action—thereby demonstrating what
true "people's democracy" actually is: a system where decisions are made
collectively by struggle committees, brigades, and trade unions, all
working in unison toward concrete, shared objectives. There exists a
bourgeois/feudal-landowning Bolivia, and a popular Bolivia—one of
workers, trade unionists, and peasants. I apologize if this makes for
uncomfortable reading for those seeking "unity," but in this struggle,
only one sector can emerge victorious; in the meantime, we will persist
in the dichotomy that it is Bolivia—the true Bolivia—that will
ultimately triumph. To the misfortune of the bourgeois and feudal
classes, history has demonstrated that it is the people who will seize
power; no matter how many mistakes are made, no matter how many
betrayals occur, the popular masses will prevail. This victory will not
be granted by God, nor by the bourgeois "Fatherland" with its nefarious
pacts, nor by the solitary individual and their family; liberation will
only be achieved when the entire popular masses take power. I wish to
conclude this analysis by citing President Mao Zedong:
"Fight,
fail, fight again, fail again, fight again—and so on, until victory:
this is the logic of the people, and they will never act against it." COMMENTARY BY AND_HAMBURGO:
REGARDING
THE PRECEDING LETTER, WE WISH TO ADD: that in order to seize power for
the class and the people, a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Party is
required. The masses are constantly engaged in struggle, yet they have
been unable to break the "iron circle" imposed upon them by
imperialism—primarily Yankee imperialism—bureaucratic capitalism, and
semi-feudalism, because they have been left orphaned—without a Communist
Party. The masses make history, but they require the guiding light of
the Communist Party. To seize Power and advance the democratic
revolution, it is necessary to wage People's War—a strategy which, in
our countries, follows the path of encircling the cities from the
countryside; to achieve this, a Party, an Army, and a Front (or New
State) are indispensable. Thus—and only thus—can the contradictions
inherent to the democratic revolution be resolved: the contradiction
between Nation and Imperialism; between the People and Bureaucratic
Capitalism; and between the Masses and Feudalism. At the present moment,
these contradictions manifest primarily as a conflict between the broad
popular masses and the government—a regime that represents the
landlord-bureaucratic State, acting in the service of imperialism,
chiefly that of the Yankees. These constitute the fundamental
contradictions between revolution and counter-revolution in our
countries.
In the current international and national context, we
are witnessing an intensification of the contradiction between Nation
and Imperialism—specifically Yankee imperialism. This intensification is
starkly evident in the brazen and arrogant intervention of Yankee
imperialism, expressed through the public statements of representatives
from the arch-reactionary and genocidal administration of Donald Trump,
as well as through the visit to Bolivia by a high-ranking representative
of the IMF—an institution that has been denounced by the Bolivian
revolutionary movement.
However, the foregoing does not imply a
shift in the *principal contradiction* within Bolivia, which remains the
contradiction between the Masses and Feudalism—unless, that is, a
direct armed intervention were to take place, as has occurred in the
case of Venezuela. We reiterate, once again, that this contradiction
between Nation and Imperialism is indeed intensifying. It is our duty to
denounce this Yankee intervention, raising high the universal slogan:
"Yankees, Go Home!" This serves to develop the anti-imperialist
consciousness of the people, in order to advance the primary strategic
task that remains outstanding: THE RECONSTITUTION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
OF BOLIVIA.
Since the masses constitute an arena of contention,
in major demonstrations or popular uprisings, the stage is occupied not
only by those representing popular interests but also by representatives
of the two factions of the big bourgeoisie—who take turns wielding
State Power, serving as governments of either the comprador big
bourgeoisie or the bureaucratic big bourgeoisie—as well as by the
opportunists and revisionists in their service, acting as lackeys for
various imperialist nations. We shall term this contradiction
"inter-reactionary," or a contradiction within the reactionary camp.
These two types of contradictions—distinct in their class character—are the forces at work within the actual movement. SOME ADDITIONAL CLARIFICATIONS:
Intervention
by Yankee imperialism—and its lackeys across the continent, principally
those grouped within "The Shield of the Americas"—against Bolivia,
involving threats and intimidating statements in support of the lakey
government of Paz (representing the comprador big bourgeoisie). This
intervention is compounded by their actions through the IMF in favor of
the current government's anti-people and sellout economic plan, and
against the popular forces demonstrating against this
big-bourgeoisie/landlord plan, which serves the interests of
imperialism—primarily Yankee imperialism.
"The Shield of the
Americas backed the Bolivian government of Rodrigo Paz this Thursday and
warned that it will not tolerate the 'overthrow of democratically
elected leaders' in the hemisphere." (Infobae)
In the current
situation, we are witnessing a case—or situation—of indirect
intervention by imperialism in Bolivia's internal affairs. This is a
semi-colonial country that possesses only formal independence or
sovereignty.
The courageous Bolivian people are closing ranks and
rejecting the new government's plan for the old State—a rejection that
has been characterized as "a great popular uprising." Furthermore, they
are bravely rejecting the intervention of their Yankee imperialist
master.
We must foster anti-imperialist consciousness among the
peoples of Latin America in order to advance the democratic revolution
through people's war. We must strive to cultivate this anti-imperialist
consciousness through a life-and-death struggle against
feudal-imperialist ideology. Struggles such as the present one are
conducive to achieving this objective.
The problem lies in the
lack of proletarian leadership—specifically, the need for a
Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Party to lead the masses, who are
fighting with unyielding energy and displaying heroism in abundance.
Communists in formation who advocate for the reconstitution of the
Communist Party must commit to living, working, and struggling alongside
the deepest and broadest masses, and must strive to lead them by
establishing concrete strategies and tactics for every situation arising
from the unfolding class struggle—clearly defining the objectives to be
achieved by the mass movement as well as the specific methods of
struggle. This must be done in accordance with a concrete analysis of
the concrete situation. They must seek to prevent the masses from being
exploited in the conflicts between reactionary factions, and from being
hijacked by opportunists and revisionists. This entails skillfully
managing the advance and tactical retreat of the movement—that is,
engaging in struggle from a position of advantage, within defined
limits, and without overextending oneself.
Objective convergences
inevitably arise within the struggle; one must know how to leverage the
contradictions existing among the factions of the big bourgeoisie
without ever trailing behind any one of them. As the letter states, the
fundamental issue is one of power; this means that the goal is not
merely to replace the government—as if doing so would automatically
resolve all problems—but rather to carry out the revolution.
The
foundation of the anti-imperialist front is the worker-peasant alliance,
led by the Communist Party. In other words, it is the United Front of
the New Democratic Revolution—a revolution carried out through People's
War to sweep away the "three great mountains": imperialism, bureaucratic
capitalism, and semi-feudalism.
At no stage of the New
Democratic Revolution can we isolate the anti-imperialist (national)
task from the other two tasks. Even if one of these tasks becomes the
primary focus during the unfolding of the fundamental contradictions of
the democratic revolution, this does not imply that the others are
absent or cease to be operative; it simply means that the struggle is
tactically reoriented to prioritize one specific task over the others.
Furthermore—should
such a scenario arise—there exists an absolute necessity for a
Communist Party to transform an armed struggle of national resistance
into a full-scale People's War.
... a revolution is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery; it cannot be so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. 4 A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another."
QUOTATIONS FROM CHAIRMAN MAO TSE-TUNG:
The force at the core leading our cause is the Chinese Communist Party. The theoretical basis guiding our thinking is Marxism-Leninism.
Opening Address at the First Session of the First National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China (September 15, 1954).
To
make revolution, one must have a revolutionary party. Without a
revolutionary party, without a party built on the Marxist-Leninist
revolutionary theory and in the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary style, it
is impossible to lead the working class and the broad masses of the
people in defeating imperialism and its lackeys.
Revolutionary Forces of the World, Unite, Fight Against Imperialist Aggression! (November 1948), Selected Works, Vol. IV.
Without
the efforts of the Chinese Communist Party, without the Chinese
Communists serving as the mainstay of the Chinese people, it is
impossible to achieve the independence and liberation of the country, or
its industrialization and the modernization of its agriculture.
On Coalition Government (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III.
The
Chinese Communist Party is the core of leadership of the Chinese
people. Without this core, the cause of socialism cannot triumph.
Speech at the Reception for All Delegates to the Third National Congress of the New Democratic Youth League of China (May 25, 1957).
A
disciplined Party, armed with the theory of Marxism-Leninism, using the
method of self-criticism and closely linked with the masses of the
people; an army led by such a Party; a united front of all revolutionary
classes and revolutionary groups led by such a Party: these are the
three main weapons with which we have defeated the enemy.
On the People's Democratic Dictatorship (June 30, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV.
We
must have confidence in the masses; we must have confidence in the
Party. These are two fundamental principles. If we doubt them, we shall
accomplish nothing.
On the Question of Agricultural Cooperation (July 31, 1955), [Selected Works, Vol. V].
Armed
with Marxist-Leninist theory and ideology, the Communist Party of China
has brought a new style of work to the Chinese people—one which mainly
consists of integrating theory with practice, maintaining close ties
with the masses, and practicing self-criticism.
On Coalition Government (April 24, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. III.
No
political party can lead a great revolutionary movement to victory
unless it possesses revolutionary theory, a knowledge of history, and a
profound understanding of the practical movement.
The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War (October 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II.
