BANDERA ROJA BOLIVIA:
#Bolivia | LETTER FROM A READER: "UNTIL VICTORY"—THE LOGIC OF THE PEOPLE
Below, we share a text sent to our editorial desk by a reader, which expresses the sentiments of the Bolivian people currently engaged in struggle:
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It is the popular masses who steer the course of history—even if governments, intellectuals who fancy themselves "free thinkers," or pragmatic and opportunistic political groups refuse to admit it. Bolivian intellectuals and bureaucrats often claim that "personalism" and *caudillismo* (strongman politics) originate within the popular masses, arguing that these very masses respond only to a single leader. Curiously, however, whenever mobilizations like those currently taking place in Bolivia arise, the first—and irrational—response from these renowned intellectuals and bureaucrats is to assert that the entire movement has been orchestrated by the *caudillo* Evo Morales.
This raises an important question: Are the masses not, in fact, *caudillista*? Why, then, do such "cultured" individuals reduce popular expressions to the actions of a single person? Yet, this is nothing new in history; groups holding governmental and intellectual power have always succumbed to irrational rhetoric—from the Roman patricians who could not fathom how a slave rebellion could bring the Roman Empire to its knees, to the European intelligentsia who could not believe that a proletarian-peasant revolution had exposed the failure of bourgeois models in the mid-20th century.
But, leaving aside that segment of the petty bourgeoisie—which, in terms of social analysis, seems to be moving backward rather than forward—let us continue. Bolivian popular power has demonstrated a conviction so profound—a class consciousness so overflowing—that it actually surpasses that of the established trade union leadership. Popular power has always expressed itself in the streets, through great mass movements where people take to the thoroughfares to engage in collective action—thereby demonstrating what true "people's democracy" actually is: a system where decisions are made collectively by struggle committees, brigades, and trade unions, all working in unison toward concrete, shared objectives. There exists a bourgeois/feudal-landowning Bolivia, and a popular Bolivia—one of workers, trade unionists, and peasants. I apologize if this makes for uncomfortable reading for those seeking "unity," but in this struggle, only one sector can emerge victorious; in the meantime, we will persist in the dichotomy that it is Bolivia—the true Bolivia—that will ultimately triumph. To the misfortune of the bourgeois and feudal classes, history has demonstrated that it is the people who will seize power; no matter how many mistakes are made, no matter how many betrayals occur, the popular masses will prevail. This victory will not be granted by God, nor by the bourgeois "Fatherland" with its nefarious pacts, nor by the solitary individual and their family; liberation will only be achieved when the entire popular masses take power. I wish to conclude this analysis by citing President Mao Zedong:
"Fight, fail, fight again, fail again, fight again—and so on, until victory: this is the logic of the people, and they will never act against it."
COMMENTARY BY AND_HAMBURGO:
REGARDING THE PRECEDING LETTER, WE WISH TO ADD: that in order to seize power for the class and the people, a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Party is required. The masses are constantly engaged in struggle, yet they have been unable to break the "iron circle" imposed upon them by imperialism—primarily Yankee imperialism—bureaucratic capitalism, and semi-feudalism, because they have been left orphaned—without a Communist Party. The masses make history, but they require the guiding light of the Communist Party. To seize Power and advance the democratic revolution, it is necessary to wage People's War—a strategy which, in our countries, follows the path of encircling the cities from the countryside; to achieve this, a Party, an Army, and a Front (or New State) are indispensable. Thus—and only thus—can the contradictions inherent to the democratic revolution be resolved: the contradiction between Nation and Imperialism; between the People and Bureaucratic Capitalism; and between the Masses and Feudalism. At the present moment, these contradictions manifest primarily as a conflict between the broad popular masses and the government—a regime that represents the landlord-bureaucratic State, acting in the service of imperialism, chiefly that of the Yankees. These constitute the fundamental contradictions between revolution and counter-revolution in our countries.
In the current international and national context, we are witnessing an intensification of the contradiction between Nation and Imperialism—specifically Yankee imperialism. This intensification is starkly evident in the brazen and arrogant intervention of Yankee imperialism, expressed through the public statements of representatives from the arch-reactionary and genocidal administration of Donald Trump, as well as through the visit to Bolivia by a high-ranking representative of the IMF—an institution that has been denounced by the Bolivian revolutionary movement.
However, the foregoing does not imply a shift in the *principal contradiction* within Bolivia, which remains the contradiction between the Masses and Feudalism—unless, that is, a direct armed intervention were to take place, as has occurred in the case of Venezuela. We reiterate, once again, that this contradiction between Nation and Imperialism is indeed intensifying. It is our duty to denounce this Yankee intervention, raising high the universal slogan: "Yankees, Go Home!" This serves to develop the anti-imperialist consciousness of the people, in order to advance the primary strategic task that remains outstanding: THE RECONSTITUTION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOLIVIA.
Since the masses constitute an arena of contention, in major demonstrations or popular uprisings, the stage is occupied not only by those representing popular interests but also by representatives of the two factions of the big bourgeoisie—who take turns wielding State Power, serving as governments of either the comprador big bourgeoisie or the bureaucratic big bourgeoisie—as well as by the opportunists and revisionists in their service, acting as lackeys for various imperialist nations. We shall term this contradiction "inter-reactionary," or a contradiction within the reactionary camp.
These two types of contradictions—distinct in their class character—are the forces at work within the actual movement.
SOME ADDITIONAL CLARIFICATIONS:
Intervention by Yankee imperialism—and its lackeys across the continent, principally those grouped within "The Shield of the Americas"—against Bolivia, involving threats and intimidating statements in support of the lakey government of Paz (representing the comprador big bourgeoisie). This intervention is compounded by their actions through the IMF in favor of the current government's anti-people and sellout economic plan, and against the popular forces demonstrating against this big-bourgeoisie/landlord plan, which serves the interests of imperialism—primarily Yankee imperialism.
"The Shield of the Americas backed the Bolivian government of Rodrigo Paz this Thursday and warned that it will not tolerate the 'overthrow of democratically elected leaders' in the hemisphere." (Infobae)
In the current situation, we are witnessing a case—or situation—of indirect intervention by imperialism in Bolivia's internal affairs. This is a semi-colonial country that possesses only formal independence or sovereignty.
The courageous Bolivian people are closing ranks and rejecting the new government's plan for the old State—a rejection that has been characterized as "a great popular uprising." Furthermore, they are bravely rejecting the intervention of their Yankee imperialist master.
We must foster anti-imperialist consciousness among the peoples of Latin America in order to advance the democratic revolution through people's war. We must strive to cultivate this anti-imperialist consciousness through a life-and-death struggle against feudal-imperialist ideology. Struggles such as the present one are conducive to achieving this objective.
The problem lies in the lack of proletarian leadership—specifically, the need for a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Party to lead the masses, who are fighting with unyielding energy and displaying heroism in abundance. Communists in formation who advocate for the reconstitution of the Communist Party must commit to living, working, and struggling alongside the deepest and broadest masses, and must strive to lead them by establishing concrete strategies and tactics for every situation arising from the unfolding class struggle—clearly defining the objectives to be achieved by the mass movement as well as the specific methods of struggle. This must be done in accordance with a concrete analysis of the concrete situation. They must seek to prevent the masses from being exploited in the conflicts between reactionary factions, and from being hijacked by opportunists and revisionists. This entails skillfully managing the advance and tactical retreat of the movement—that is, engaging in struggle from a position of advantage, within defined limits, and without overextending oneself.
Objective convergences inevitably arise within the struggle; one must know how to leverage the contradictions existing among the factions of the big bourgeoisie without ever trailing behind any one of them. As the letter states, the fundamental issue is one of power; this means that the goal is not merely to replace the government—as if doing so would automatically resolve all problems—but rather to carry out the revolution.
The foundation of the anti-imperialist front is the worker-peasant alliance, led by the Communist Party. In other words, it is the United Front of the New Democratic Revolution—a revolution carried out through People's War to sweep away the "three great mountains": imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism, and semi-feudalism.
At no stage of the New Democratic Revolution can we isolate the anti-imperialist (national) task from the other two tasks. Even if one of these tasks becomes the primary focus during the unfolding of the fundamental contradictions of the democratic revolution, this does not imply that the others are absent or cease to be operative; it simply means that the struggle is tactically reoriented to prioritize one specific task over the others.
Furthermore—should such a scenario arise—there exists an absolute necessity for a Communist Party to transform an armed struggle of national resistance into a full-scale People's War.
... a revolution is not a dinner party, or
writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery; it cannot
be so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous,
restrained and magnanimous. 4 A revolution is an insurrection, an act
of violence by which one class overthrows another."
QUOTATIONS FROM CHAIRMAN MAO TSE-TUNG:
The force at the core leading our cause is the Chinese Communist Party.
The theoretical basis guiding our thinking is Marxism-Leninism.
Opening Address at the First Session of the
First National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China
(September 15, 1954).
To make revolution, one must have a revolutionary party. Without a revolutionary party, without a party built on the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary theory and in the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary style, it is impossible to lead the working class and the broad masses of the people in defeating imperialism and its lackeys.
Revolutionary Forces of the World, Unite,
Fight Against Imperialist Aggression!
(November 1948),
Selected Works, Vol. IV.
Without the efforts of the Chinese Communist Party, without the Chinese Communists serving as the mainstay of the Chinese people, it is impossible to achieve the independence and liberation of the country, or its industrialization and the modernization of its agriculture.
On Coalition Government
(April 24, 1945),
Selected Works, Vol. III.
The Chinese Communist Party is the core of leadership of the Chinese people. Without this core, the cause of socialism cannot triumph.
Speech at the Reception for All Delegates
to the Third National Congress of the
New Democratic Youth League of China
(May 25, 1957).
A disciplined Party, armed with the theory of Marxism-Leninism, using the method of self-criticism and closely linked with the masses of the people; an army led by such a Party; a united front of all revolutionary classes and revolutionary groups led by such a Party: these are the three main weapons with which we have defeated the enemy.
On the People's Democratic Dictatorship
(June 30, 1949),
Selected Works, Vol. IV.
We must have confidence in the masses; we must have confidence in the Party. These are two fundamental principles. If we doubt them, we shall accomplish nothing.
On the Question of Agricultural Cooperation
(July 31, 1955),
[Selected Works, Vol. V].
Armed with Marxist-Leninist theory and ideology, the Communist Party of China has brought a new style of work to the Chinese people—one which mainly consists of integrating theory with practice, maintaining close ties with the masses, and practicing self-criticism.
On Coalition Government
(April 24, 1945),
Selected Works, Vol. III.
No political party can lead a great revolutionary movement to victory unless it possesses revolutionary theory, a knowledge of history, and a profound understanding of the practical movement.
The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War
(October 1938),
Selected Works, Vol. II.
