Friday, February 14, 2025

PPM: LONG LIVE THE 177TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY BY MARX AND ENGELS!

 

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

 

LONG LIVE THE 177TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY BY MARX AND ENGELS!

 

“It is only with The Manifesto of the Communist Party, which is its full name, that the communists first set out their position and their program and it is the starting point, the cornerstone or the first stone on which our entire building is built, all that is the great Marxism-Leninism-Maoism; it is from The Manifesto that it remains a valid banner until communism, not as Khrushchev said: that he had completed his mission with the program of the CPSU of 1961, taking away our class position and introducing a rotten bourgeois conception, a complete and thorough revision of all Marxism.”

(PRESIDENT GONZALO, FIRST CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU, 1988)

 

The Manifesto is our starting point, the first milestone, a milestone because it will last thousands of years and when there is communism it will continue to be considered as that great beginning that led to the new humanity.

 

There are 177 years of struggle by the international proletariat and the peoples of the world that have given us great milestones in the conquest and defense of the New Power through revolutionary violence, which today can only be a people's war, where the Paris Commune of 1871, the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia, the triumph of the Revolution in China and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China and currently the people's wars in Peru, India, Turkey and the Philippines stand out.

 

President Gozalo established that "we communists are components of a single class in the world, the international proletariat, and that it is scattered with unique, identical class interests, with an indissolubly welded destiny and it follows that we must be guided by proletarian internationalism, raising, defending and applying the motto established in "The Manifesto." A specific revolution must always be considered within the world revolution. Even more so if we develop in the new era that began with the Great October Revolution in 1917. Communism will not occur in a single country, we all enter it or no one enters. That is why we developed the revolution and the people's war in Peru as part of and at the service of the world revolution."

 

Brief History:

 

C. MARX, F. ENGELS MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY, written by C. Marx and F. Engels

in December 1847-January 1848. The original is in German. First published as a pamphlet in London in February 1848.

 

The Manifesto of the Communist Party is the largest programmatic document of scientific communism. "This short pamphlet has the merit of a whole volume. To this day, its spirit inspires and guides the entire organized and fighting proletariat of the civilized world" (Lenin).

 

The Manifesto, as a programme drawn up by Marx and Engels for the Communist League from December 1847 to January 1848, first appeared in February 1848 in London as a 23-page pamphlet. From March to July 1848 it was reprinted serially in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, the democratic organ of the German emigrants. In the same year a German edition of the Manifesto was reprinted in London as a 30-page pamphlet. This edition served as the basis for subsequent editions authorised by Marx and Engels. In 1848 the Manifesto was also translated into numerous European languages: French, Polish, Italian, Danish, Flemish and Swedish. The names of the authors were not mentioned in the 1848 editions. They were initially mentioned in the editor's preface written by George Harney for the first English translation of the Manifesto, in the Chartist journal Red Republican, which was a Chartist weekly publication from June to November 1850 by George Harney. In its issues 21-24, November 1850, the first English translation of the Communist Manifesto appeared under the title: Manifesto of the German Communist Party. On the initiative of the editors of Der Volksstaat (The People's State) a new German edition of the Manifesto was published in 1872, with a foreword by Marx and Engels and minor corrections in the text. It was called the Communist Manifesto, and that is how the later German editions of 1883 and 1890 appeared.

 

The brief history of the Manifesto, with which we begin this document celebrating the 177th anniversary of its publication, has been rewritten according to the notes of the Chinese edition of the Manifesto translated into Spanish, published by the People's Publishing House, Peking.

 

With the Manifesto of the Communist Party, the ideology of the international proletariat arose as Marxism

 

With the Manifesto of the Communist Party of Marx and Engels, the ideology of the international proletariat, in the crucible of the class struggle, arose as Marxism, becoming Marxism-Leninism and, later, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Thus, the all-powerful scientific ideology of the proletariat, all-powerful because it is true, has three stages: 1) Marxism, 2) Leninism, 3) Maoism; three stages, moments or milestones of its dialectical process of development; of the same unity that in one hundred and forty years, starting with the "Manifesto", in the most heroic epic of the class struggle, in fierce and fruitful two-line struggles in the communist parties themselves and the immense work of titans of thought and action that only the class could generate, with three unfading luminaries standing out: Marx, Lenin, Mao Tse-tung, through great leaps and three great achievements have armed us with the invincible Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism of today.

 

Marxism was born complete with its three integral parts: Marxist philosophy, Marxist political economy and scientific socialism. The President tells us, like a child comes into the world with a head, body and limbs and then goes on developing. As Lenin said: We base ourselves entirely on the doctrine of Marx: it was Marx who for the first time transformed socialism from a utopia into a science, laid the solid foundations of this science and outlined the path it was to take, developing and elaborating it in all its details” (From “Our Program” (Second half of 1899). Where did Avakian get that Marxism is a set of truths or thoughts of Marx, Lenin and Mao? This eclectic position could only be the product of the fateful movement of his head, to present himself as the “distiller of Marxism”, which led him to fall into revisionism with his grotesque “New Synthesis” .

 

The document (PCP, 1988), says: “The ideology of the international proletariat, in the crucible of the class struggle, arose as Marxism, becoming Marxism-Leninism and, later, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Thus, the all-powerful scientific ideology of the proletariat, all-powerful because it is true, has three stages: 1) Marxism, 2) Leninism, 3) Maoism; three stages, moments or milestones of its dialectical process of development; of a single unity that in one hundred and forty years, starting with the “Manifesto”, in the most heroic epic of the class struggle, in fierce and fruitful two-line struggles within the communist parties themselves and the immense work of titans of thought and action that only the class could generate, three unfading luminaries stood out: Marx, Lenin, Mao Tsetung, through great leaps and three great achievements have armed us with the invincible Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism of today.

 

It is necessary to emphasize that it is the ideology of the international proletariat, because there are those who speak of science as opposed to Marxist ideology, forgetting that our ideology is scientific. When Engels dealt with the problem of ideology in his famous letters from 1990 to 1995, he told us that all the classes prior to the proletariat had an inverted reflection of reality. What does this mean? Like a camera, it inverts the figure, what is in the head is placed on the feet and vice versa. In this way, all non-proletarian ideology twists reality, deforms it and therefore cannot understand the essence of reality, cannot understand the truth as it is, cannot grasp the contradiction as it is; therefore, non-proletarian ideologies are deformations, they are not scientific and the root is one, very concrete: they are based on exploitation. Or, to generalize and include all, it is based on private ownership of the means of production, while the proletariat is not based on ownership of the means of production or exploitation; its historic mission is precisely to destroy private ownership of the means of production in order to sweep away all exploitation and existing differences.

 

Thus, we must reclaim the term ideology in the understanding that our ideology, which is that of the international proletariat and only of that class and not of any other, is scientific. Yes, it is scientific, but that does not take away its character of ideology. When one insists on replacing the term ideology with scientific or science, one is falling within bourgeois criteria, within bourgeois philosophy centered on the theory of knowledge, that is what is at the bottom.

 

The revisionists always reissue the old revisionists, like Kautsky, who maintained that Marxism had no philosophy and that Marxist philosophy was Kantianism; That is, he placed bourgeois philosophy as the basis of our conception, which is ultimately an agnosticism, that is, an inability to know.

 

We, says Chairman Gonzalo, have to go to the heart of the matter and take the substantive things and have a high critical spirit, to judge many or all of the things that are written in the world about our conception. One could ask, and what does conception mean? It is the understanding of everything that exists, that means understanding of the material world, understanding of the class struggle, that is, of the social world, and it means understanding of knowledge as a reflection of matter in the mind, which is another form of matter. That is what conception means.

 

Our ideas of the international proletariat are therefore the product of a very high level of elaboration, they are more than 2,500 years of knowledge that has been reworked from the position and interests of the international proletariat. Marxism is a combative, revolutionary break with all previous knowledge. It is all-powerful because it is true, Lenin's thesis proven to the point of satiety.

 

The document of the Communist Party of Peru "On Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!"  (1988) makes a great statement that is essential: there are three stages, one Marxism, two Leninism, three Maoism, that is what it defines. But note that it says stages of a dialectical process of development, of course, it is a dialectical process of development, and why is it so? Because being a process of knowledge, a reflection of the mind or in the mind, a reflection of matter in the mind and matter being movement, being dialectical, knowledge is so and not by simple method as some say, but by essence. No one, neither Marx, nor Lenin, nor the President do so; if they speak of methods they never refer to reducing all of Marxism to a simple methodological question, it would lose its quality of conception; being a conception it has the method as a derivative, as a derivation; in the end, method is procedure, nothing more.

 

It is an important dialectical process, because it is reality itself and its laws correctly grasped through practice, because it is impossible for there to be knowledge without practice, there could not be any; precisely this separation of theory from practice is another concession to the bourgeoisie, it is a strictly bourgeois thought, narrow empiricism of the 18th century.

 

The Manifesto is the starting point, 140 years have passed since its appearance. There were attempts before and there are precedents, yes there are; in the work of Marx and Engels we have their participation in the League of Communists, but that league of communists was a hodgepodge of diverse ideas, it was not a clear expression of the proletariat. It is only with The Manifesto of the Communist Party, which is its full name, that for the first time the communists set out their position and their program and it is the starting point, the cornerstone or the first stone on which our entire building is built, everything that is the great Marxism-Leninism-Maoism; it is from The Manifesto that it remains a valid banner until communism, not as Khrushchev said: that he had completed his mission with the program of the CPSU of 1961, taking away our class position and introducing a rotten bourgeois conception, a complete and thorough revision of all Marxism. That is why the Manifesto is our starting point, the first milestone, a milestone because it will last for thousands of years and when there is communism it will continue to be considered as that great beginning that led to the new humanity.

 

It is a heroic epic of the class struggle, because only the class struggle could generate our conception, our ideology; only the proletariat with its great, incessant transformation of material reality in productive practice, or in the class struggle whose center is politics as the conquest and defense of power for the class, overthrowing other powers, only as a research practice, could the class, generating titans of thought and action, shape itself as the great ideology that we uphold and will always uphold. What is there behind this of titans of thought and action that is linked to “three unfading luminaries standing out: Marx, Lenin and Mao Tsetung”?

 

Engels is a founder of Marxism, and, moreover, if we get down to it, it was Engels who first established a scheme for understanding the basis of society, of the relations of exploitation, that is, of Political Economy, it was he, as Marx himself recognized. But it was Marx who, with that prodigious talent and capacity for action that he had, who embodied the first great summit, recognized especially by Engels; it was Engels who proposed that Marx should base the new ideology.We have five classics, Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, but it is a galaxy, a considerable group of great figures, titans of thought and action. But, let it be clear that there are three great figures: Marx, Lenin, Chairman Mao Tsetung.

 

And how is it that our ideology is going to develop as a dialectical process? Through great leaps; Through great leaps and three great, three great qualitative leaps: Marx, Lenin, Chairman Mao Tsetung. But these three great qualitative leaps could not be understood without other great, medium and even small leaps and with these incessant leaps. It is in this way, then, through a great dialectical process, generated by the proletariat producing men that only the class can produce, that we have arrived at Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism.

 

In essence, what does it mean not to recognize “ism”? Not to recognize “Maoism.” “ism” has a clear meaning; “thought” is nothing but a set of ideas, nothing more, while “ism” is a doctrine that fully interprets all matter in its various ways of expressing itself, which are the three aforementioned: nature, society, knowledge and so on, there is nothing else. God, then, comes from the head, through social product; Satan, from the head, through social elaboration. You see, there is nothing, nothing escapes that. I said “doctrine,” I emphasize, I did not say “system.” Be careful, do not say “system,” you would fall into a gross error. Engels already analyzed this point expressly. The correct thing is to say “doctrine” understanding it as we have just specified.

 

So that is the essential point, it is “ism.” We are told, for example, what is the difference between Maoist thought and Maoism? If the same truths are upheld or defended, why fight over that term? It is not just a question of the term, what is at stake is whether it has universal validity or not, and if it is an “ism” then it has it and if it is not an “ism” it does not have it. That is the problem, then it is not a question of the term, is it not? Well, if things are the same,

 

Finally, from the document of the First Congress of the PCP we quote:

 

The Communist Party of Peru, through the fraction led by Chairman Gonzalo who promoted the reconstruction, assumed Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought in 1966; in 1979 the slogan of Raising, defending and applying Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought!; in 1981: Towards Maoism!; and, in 1982, Maoism as an integral part and superior development of the ideology of the international proletariat: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. It is with the people's war that we have understood more deeply what Maoism implies and assumed the solemn commitment to raise, defend and apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism!; and, to tirelessly strive to help put it as the command and guide of the world revolution, the only red and unfading flag that is a guarantee of triumph for the proletariat, the oppressed nations and the peoples of the world in their inexorable combative march of iron legions towards the golden and forever resplendent communism.

 

GLORY TO THE INTERNATIONAL PROLETARIAT!

LONG LIVE THE WORLD PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION!

LONG LIVE THE PEOPLE'S WAR IN PERU, INDIA, TURKEY AND THE PHILIPPINES!

RAISE, DEFEND AND APPLY MARXISM-LENINISM-MAOISM,

PRINCIPALLY MAOISM!

 

Peru People’s Movement

 

January-February 2025

 

MPP: ¡ VIVA EL 177° ANIVERSARIO DEL MANIFIESTO DEL PARTIDO COMUNISTA DE MARX Y ENGELS!

 ¡Proletarios de todos los países, uníos!

 

 ¡ VIVA EL 177° ANIVERSARIO DEL MANIFIESTO DEL PARTIDO COMUNISTA DE MARX Y ENGELS!

 

“Es recién con El Manifiesto del Partido Comunista, que es su nombre completo, que por vez primera los comunistas plantean su posición y su programa y es el punto de partida, la piedra angular o la primera piedra sobre la cual se levanta todo nuestro edificio, todo lo que es el grandioso marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo; es a partir de El Manifiesto que sigue siendo bandera válida hasta el comunismo, no como dijo Jruschov: que había terminado su misión con el programa del PCUS del año 61, quitándonos la posición de clase e introducir una podrida concepción burguesa, una revisión cabal y completa de todo el marxismo”.

 (PRESIDENTE GONZALO,  I CONGRESO DEL PARTIDO COMUNISTA DEL PERÚ, 1988)

 

 El Manifiesto es nuestro punto de partida, la primera piedra miliar, miliar porque miles de años va a durar y cuando haya comunismo seguirá siendo considerado como ese gran comienzo que llevó  a la nueva humanidad.


Son 177 años de brega del proletariado internacional y los pueblos del mundo que nos han dado grandes hitos en la conquista y defensa del Nuevo Poder mediante la violencia revolucionaria, que hoy solo puede ser guerra popular, donde se destacan la Comuna de Paris de 1871, la Gran Revolución Socialista de Octubre en Rusia, el triunfo de la Revolución en China y la Gran Revolución Cultural Proletaria en China y en la actualidad las guerras populares en el Perú, la India, Turquía y Filipinas.
 
 El Presidente Gozalo, estableció, que "los comunistas somos componentes de una sola clase en el orbe, el proletariado internacional y que esta desparramado con intereses de clase únicos, idénticos, con un destino indisolublemente soldado y deriva que debemos guiarnos por el internacionalismo proletario enarbolando, defendiendo y aplicando el lema establecido en “ El Manifiesto”. Una revolución específica siempre debe ser considerada dentro de la revolución mundial. Más aún si es que nos desenvolvemos en la nueva era que se inicio con la Gran Revolución de Octubre en 1917. El comunismo no se dará en un solo país, a él entramos todos o no entra nadie. Por eso desarrollamos la revolución y la guerra popular en el Perú como parte y al servicio de la revolución mundial".

  

Breve Historia:

 

C. MARX, F. ENGELS MANIFIESTO DEL PARTIDO COMUNISTA, escrito por C. Marx y F. Engels

en diciembre de 1847-enero de 1848. El original es en alemán. Publicado por vez primera como folleto en Londres, en febrero de 1848.

 

EI Manifiesto del Partido Comunista es el documento programático más grande del comunismo cientifico.

"Este breve folleto tiene el mérito de un volumen completo. Hasta hoy día, su espíritu inspira y guía a todo el proletariado organizado y luchador del mundo civilizado" (Lenin).

 

 El Manifiesto, como programa redactado por Marx y Engels para la Liga de los Comunistas desde diciembre de 1847 a enero de 1848, apareció primeramente en febrero de 1848 en Londres como un folleto de 23 páginas. Desde marzo a julio de 1848, fue reimprimido en serie en el Deutsche Londoner Zeitung el órgano democrático de los emigrantes germanos. En el mismo año una edición alemana del Manifiesto fue reimprimida en Londres como un folleto de 30 paginas. Esta edición sirvió como base de las ediciones siguientes autorizadas por Marx y Engels. En el año 1848 el Manifiesto fue también traducido en numerosas lenguas europeas: francés, polaco, italiano, danés, flamenco y sueco. Los nombres de los autores no fueron mencionados en las ediciones de 1848. Ellos fueron mencionados inicialmente en el prefacio del editor escrito por George Harney para la primera traducción inglesa del Manifiesto, en el diario cartista Red Republican (República Roja ), que era una publicación semanal cartista hecha desde junio a noviembre de

1850 por George Harney. En sus numeros 21-24, noviembre de 1850, la primera traducción inglesa del

Manifiesto del Partido Comunista apareció bajo el título: Manifiesto del Partido Comunista Alemán.

 

Por iniciativa de la redacción del Der Volksstaat (El Estado Popular ) una nueva edición alemana del

Manifiesto fue publicada en 1872, con un prólogo de Marx y Engels y unas pequeñas correcciones en el texto. Llevaba el título de Manifiesto Comunista y así aparecieron las ediciones alemanas posteriores de 1883 y 1890.

 

La breve historia de El Manifiesto, con que iniciamos este documento celebratorio de su 177° Aniversario de su publicación ha sido redeactada según las notas de la edición china del Manifiesto traducida al espanol, publicada por la Editorial del Pueblo, Pekin.

 

Con el Manifiesto del Partido Comunista insurgió la ideología del proletariado internacional como marxismo

 

Con el Manifiesto del Partido Comunista de Marx y Engels, la ideología del proletariado internacional, en el crisol de la lucha de clases, insurgió como marxismo deviniendo marxismo-leninismo y, posteriormente, marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo. Así, la todopoderosa ideología científica del proletariado, todopoderosa porque es verdadera, tiene tres etapas: 1) marxismo, 2) leninismo, 3) maoísmo; tres etapas, momentos o hitos de su proceso dialéctico de desarrollo; de una misma unidad que en ciento cuarenta años, a partir del "Manifiesto", en la más heroica epopeya de la lucha de clases, en encarnizadas y fructíferas luchas de dos líneas en los propios partidos comunistas y la inmensa labor de titanes del pensamiento y la acción que solamente la clase podía generar, sobresaliendo tres luminarias inmarcesibles: Marx, Lenin, Mao Tse-tung, mediante grandes saltos y tres grandiosos nos ha armado con el invencible marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo, principalmente maoísmo de hoy.

 

El marxismo nació completo con sus tres partes integrante la filosofía marxista, la economía política marxista y el socialismo científico. El Presidente nos dice, como un niño viene al mundo con cabeza, cuerpo y extremidades y luego se va a ir desarrollando. Como dijo Lenin: Nosotros nos basamos íntegramente en la doctrina de Marx: ella transformó por primera vez el socialismo, de utopía, en una ciencia, echó las sólidas bases de esta ciencia y trazó el camino que había de tomar, desarrollándola y elaborándola en todos sus detalles” (De «Nuestro programa- (Segundo semestre de 1899). ¿ De dónde sacó Avakian eso de que el marxismo es un conjunto de verdades o pensamientos de Marx, Lenin yMao? Esa posición ecléctica solo pudo ser producto del movimiento fatástico de su cabeza, para presentarse como el “destilador del marxismo”, lo que le llevó a desbarrancarse al revisionismo con su esperpento de su pretendida “Nueva Síntesis” .

 

El documento (PCP, 1988) , dice: “La ideología del proletariado internacional, en el crisol de la lucha de clases, insurgió como marxismo deviniendo marxismo-leninismo y, posteriormente, marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo. Así, la todopoderosa ideología científica del proletariado, todopoderosa porque es verdadera, tiene tres etapas: 1) marxismo, 2) leninismo, 3) maoísmo; tres etapas, momentos o hitos de su proceso dialéctico de desarrollo; de una misma unidad que en cientocuarenta años, a partir del “Manifiesto”, en la más heroica epopeya de la lucha de clases, en encarnizadas y fructíferas luchas de dos líneas en los propios partidos comunistas y la inmensa labor de titanes del pensamiento y la acción que solamente la clase podía generar, sobresalieron tres luminarias inmarcesibles : Marx, Lenin, Mao Tsetung, mediante grandes saltos y tres grandiosos nos han armado con el invencible marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo, principalmente maoísmo de hoy”.

 

Es necesario resaltar. Que es ideología del proletariado internacional, porque hay quienes hablan de ciencia contraponiendo a ideología marxista, olvidando que nuestra ideología es científica. Cuando Engels trató el problema de la ideología en sus famosas cartas del 90 al 95 del siglo pasado, él nos decía que todas las clases anteriores al proletariado tenían un reflejo invertido de la realidad, ¿qué quiere decir esto? Como la cámara fotográfica, invierte la figura, lo que está en la cabeza lo pone en los pies y viceversa. De esa manera, toda ideología no proletaria tuerce la realidad, la deforma y por tanto no puede comprender la esencia de la realidad, no puede comprender la verdad tal cual es, no puede coger la contradicción tal cual es; por tanto, las ideologías no proletarias son deformaciones, no son científicas y la raíz es una, muy concreta: se sustentan en la explotación. O, para generalizar y englobar a todas, se sustenta en la propiedad privada de los medios de producción, en tanto que el proletariado no se sustenta en la propiedad de medios de producción ni en la explotación; precisamente su misión histórica está en destruir la propiedad privada sobre los medios de producción a fin de barrer toda explotación y diferencias existentes.

 

Así pues, nosotros debemos reivindicar el término ideología en el entendimiento que nuestra ideología que es la del proletariado internacional y sólo de esa clase y no de ninguna otra, es científica. Sí, es científica, pero no le quita su carácter de ideología. Cuando mucho se insiste en sustituir el término ideología por científica o ciencia se está cayendo dentro de criterios burgueses, dentro de la filosofía burguesa centrada en teoría del conocimiento, eso es lo que hay en el fondo.

 

Los revisionistas siempre reeditan a los viejos revisionistas, como Kautsky, quienes sustentaban que el marxismo no tenía filosofía y que la filosofía marxista era el kantismo; o sea, ponía como base de nuestra concepción la filosofía burguesa, al fin y al cabo un agnosticismo o sea una incapacidad de conocer.

 

Nosotros, dice el Presidente Gonzalo, tenemos que ir al grano de las cosas y coger las cosas sustantivas y tener un alto espíritu crítico, a juzgar muchas o todas las cosas que se escriben en el mundo acerca de nuestra concepción. Podría uno preguntarse ¿y qué significa concepción?, es la comprensión de todo lo existente, eso quiere decir comprensión del mundo material, comprensión de la lucha de clase, o sea del mundo social, y quiere decir comprensión del conocimiento como reflejo de la materia en la mente que es otra forma de materia. Eso quiere decir concepción.

 

Las ideas nuestras del proletariado internacional, son pues producto de una altísima elaboración, son más de 2,500 años de conocimiento que ha sido reelaborado desde la posición y los intereses del proletariado internacional. El Marxismo es una ruptura combatiente, revolucionaria  con todo el conocimiento anterior. es todopoderosa porque es verdadera, tesis de Lenin probada hasta la saciedad.

 

 El documento del Partido Comunista del Perú (1988) “Sobre el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo" hace una gran afirmación que es esencial: son tres etapas, uno marxismo, dos leninismo, tres maoísmo eso es lo que define. Pero repárese en que dice etapas de un proceso dialéctico de desarrollo, claro, es un proceso dialéctico de desarrollo, ¿y por qué lo es?, porque siendo un proceso de conocimiento, un reflejo de la mente o en la mente, un reflejo de la materia en la mente y siendo la materia movimiento, siendo dialéctica, el conocimiento lo es y no por simple método como algunos dicen, sino por esencia. Ninguno, ni Marx, ni Lenin, ni el Presidente lo hacen; si hablan de métodos no se refieren nunca a reducción de todo el marxismo a simple cuestión metodológica, perdería su calidad de concepción; siendo concepción tiene el método como un derivado, como una derivación; al fin y al cabo método es procedimiento, nada más.

 

Es importante proceso dialéctico, porque es la propia realidad y sus leyes correctamente cogidas a través de la práctica, porque es imposible que haya conocimiento sin práctica, no podría haberlo; precisamente eso de separar teoría de práctica es otra concesión a la burguesía, es un pensamiento estrictamente burgués, empirismo estrecho del siglo XVIII.

 

Se toma un punto de partida “El Manifiesto”, son 140 años desde su aparición. Antes hubo intentos y hay antecedentes, sí los hay; en el propio trabajo de Marx y Engels tenemos su participación en la Liga de los Comunistas, pero esa liga de comunistas era un amasijo de ideas diversas, no era una clara expresión del proletariado. Es recién con El Manifiesto del Partido Comunista, que es su nombre completo, que por vez primera los comunistas plantean su posición y su programa y es el punto de partida, la piedra angular o la primera piedra sobre la cual se levanta todo nuestro edificio, todo lo que es el grandioso marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo; es a partir de El Manifiesto que sigue siendo bandera válida hasta el comunismo, no como dijo Jruschov: que había terminado su misión con el programa del PCUS del año 61, quitándonos la posición de clase e introducir una podrida concepción burguesa, una revisión cabal y completa de todo el marxismo. Por eso, El Manifiesto es nuestro punto de partida, la primera piedra miliar, miliar porque miles de años va a durar y cuando haya comunismo seguirá siendo considerado como ese gran comienzo que llevó a la nueva humanidad.

 

Es heroica epopeya de la lucha de clases, porque sólo la lucha de clases pudo generar nuestra concepción, nuestra ideología; sólo el proletariado con su grandiosa transformación incesante de la realidad material en la práctica productiva, o en la lucha de clases cuyo centro es la política en tanto conquista y defensa del poder para la clase derrumbando otros poderes, sólo en cuanto práctica de investigación, pudo la clase, generando titanes del pensamiento y la acción, plasmarse como la grandiosa ideología que nosotros enarbolamos y enarbolaremos siempre. ¿Qué hay tras esto de titanes del pensamiento y la acción que está ligado a “sobresaliendo tres luminarias inmarcesibles: Marx, Lenin y Mao Tsetung”?.

 

Engels es un fundador del marxismo, más aún, si a las cosas vamos, fue Engels quien por primera vez estableció un esquema de comprensión de la base de la sociedad, de las relaciones de explotación, o sea de la Economía Política, fue él, como lo reconoció el propio Marx. Pero ha sido Marx quien con ese portentoso talento y capacidad de acción que tuvo, en quien se plasmó la primera grandiosa cumbre, reconocida especialmente por Engels; fue Engels quien propuso que Marx fundamentara la nueva ideología.

 

Tenemos cinco clásicos, Marx, Engels, Lenin y Stalin, pero es una pléyade, un conjunto considerable de grandes figuras, de titanes del pensamiento y la acción. Pero, que quede nítido que son tres las grandes figuras: Marx, Lenin, Presidente Mao Tsetung.

 

                ¿Y cómo es que nuestra ideología va a desenvolverse siendo un proceso dialéctico?, a través de grandes saltos;  mediante grandes saltos y tres grandiosos, tres grandiosos saltos cualitativos: Marx, Lenin, Presidente Mao Tsetung. Pero esos tres grandiosos saltos cualitativos no se podrían entender sin otros saltos grandes, medianos y hasta pequeños y con esos saltos incesantes. Es de esa manera que un gran proceso dialéctico, entonces, generado por el proletariado produciendo hombres que sólo la clase puede producir, que hemos llegado al marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo, principalmente maoísmo.

               

En esencia, ¿qué significa no reconocer el “ismo”?, no reconocer “maoísmo”. El “ismo” tiene un claro significado; “pensamiento” no es sino conjunto de ideas, nada más es, en tanto que “ismo” es una doctrina que interpreta cabalmente toda la materia en sus diversas maneras de expresarse, que son las tres antedichas: la naturaleza, la sociedad, el conocimiento y pare usted de contar, no hay nada más. Dios, de la cabeza sale pues, por producto social; satanás, de la cabeza sale por elaboración social. Ya ven, no hay nada, nada escapa a eso. He dicho “doctrina”, subrayo, no he dicho “sistema”. Ojo, no vayan a decir “sistema”, caerían en un craso error. Expresamente Engels ya analizó este punto. Lo correcto es decir “doctrina” entendiéndola como lo acabamos de especificar.

 

Entonces es el punto esencial, es el “ismo”. Se nos dice, por ejemplo, ¿qué diferencia hay entre pensamiento maotsetung y maoísmo?, sí se sostienen las mismas verdades o se las defiende, ¿para qué pelear por ese término?. Es que no es simple problema de término, en juego está si tiene validez universal o no, y si es “ismo” pues la tiene y si no es “ismo” no la tiene. Ahí está el problema, entonces no es problema de término, ¿no es cierto?. Pues si las cosas son que es idéntico,

 

Finalmente, del documento del I Congreso del PCP citamos:

 

 El Partido Comunista del Perú, a través de la fracción dirigida por el Presidente Gonzalo que impulsó la reconstitución, asumió el marxismo-leninismo-pensamiento Mao Tsetung el año 1966; el 79 la consigna de Enarbolar, defender y aplicar el marxismo-leninismo-pensamiento Mao Tsetung!; el 81: Hacia el maoísmo!; y, el 82 el maoísmo como parte integrante y desarrollo superior de la ideología del proletariado internacional: el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo. Es con la guerra popular que hemos comprendido más profundamente lo que implica el maoísmo y asumido el solemne compromiso de Enarbolar, defender y aplicar el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo, principalmente maoísmo!; y, bregar incansablemente por coadyuvar a ponerlo como mando y guía de la revolución mundial, única rojísima e inmarcesible bandera que es garantía de triunfo para el proletariado, las naciones oprimidas y los pueblos del mundo en su inexorable marcha combatiente, de legiones de hierro hacia el dorado y por siempre resplandeciente comunismo.

 

¡GLORIA AL PROLETARIADO INTERNACIONAL!

¡VIVA LA REVOLUCION PROLETARIA MUNDIAL!

¡VIVA LA GUERRA POPULAR EN EL PERÚ, LA INDIA, TURQUÍA Y FILIPINAS!

¡ENARBOLAR, DEFENDER Y APLICAR EL MARXISMO-LENINISMO-MAOÍSMO,

PRINCIPALMENTE EL MAOÍSMO!

 

Movimiento Popular Perú

Enero-Febrero de 2025

Thursday, February 13, 2025

UPDATE: CURRENT SITUATION. NOTES ON THE GLOBAL CRISIS (37. IS TRUMP SEEKING TO “DISMANTALIZE USAID”?)


IS DONALD TRUMP SEEKING TO “DISMANTALIZE USAID” OR ITS METAMORPHOSIS?

 

 

PRESENTATION:

 

The United States Agency for International Development (USA-AID) is the evolution of the supposed technical assistance program that Truman outlined in point IV, when under the cover of that economic assistance and collaboration an efficient mechanism of penetration, intervention and control was organized.

 

All the American espionage institutions work together and in agreement with the USA-IAD. Its acts of intervention in Latin America and the Third World are sufficiently registered since the beginning of the 1960s.

 

With the experience accumulated in the use of the judiciary in the political struggle between factions in the country itself, the Agency extends its intervention programs to the judicial and auxiliary system of Third World countries, that is, to the judiciary, public ministry, judicial police, etc., to provoke political changes favorable to its interests in our countries. This explains the prevalence of CIA agents attached to the zanqui PD.

 

How does the Agency act in this new field of occupation? First, as an advisory and support agency for “judicial reform,” then as advisory institutes for governments on legislation, and later, as programs to fight corruption and transparency; to complete the picture, Yankee imperialism, most notoriously since the 1990s, uses the big media (promoting “investigative journalism”), the so-called “social media” and “social organizations,” as they themselves say in modest language, to: “Monitor the political institutions (of our countries) and generate information to bring about social change and better functioning of their community.” Added to this are the foundations of members of the financial oligarchy such as Soros. Some of the institutions that make up this framework are mentioned when, as an example, we cite cases such as Peru.

 

Therefore, we maintain that: “the plans of the Donald Trump government to dismantle USAID” do not have that purpose, but rather a metamorphosis of this efficient mechanism of imperialist intervention in our countries under the cover of “aid,” that is, for espionage, penetration, and control, amidst the development of its internal contradictions that corrode it.

 

The decrees of the Donald Trump government that establish the norms to implement the dismissals of personnel from “development aid” institutions such as AID and large-scale administration, whose implementation has been entrusted to the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), which Musk directs, are part of his government plan for a greater absolute centralization of State Power in his hands, as presidential absolutism, as a representative of the faction of the financial oligarchy of Yankee imperialism, which represents the Republican Party.

 

To conclude this summary or presentation of this new installment of our notes, we quote Cathryn Clüver Ashbrook, an American political scientist, advisor to the German government on US policy and transatlantic relations, who shows her closeness to the Democratic Party, of Trump's "general construction plan" for his second term, she said: Project 2025 plans to "restructure the system" for the survival of the Republican Party, strengthen the power of the executive branch and undermine the separation of powers (in the CAREN MIOSGA program, Sunday, November 3, 2024 at 9:45 p.m. on German TV Das Erste).

 

IS DONALD TRUMP LOOKING TO “DISMANTLE USAID” OR ITS METAMORPHOSIS?

 

We assume that the Agency is vital to the interests of American imperialism, so we think that the plans of the new government of Yankee imperialism are aimed at evolving this Agency in accordance with its plans for all intelligence agencies and services within its government plan known as “Project 2025” to which the Yankee political scientist refers. Here, we address the issue of AID, raising some general questions that allow us to continue dealing with the nature of the measures of the new government of Yankee imperialism. We irrefutably document the character of AID and its joint work with all the espionage and intervention services of Yankee imperialism, as one of the tentacles of the imperialist octopus.

 

We start with the brief information that gives an account of the matter at hand:

 

On February 7, 2025, it was reported from Washington:

 

“The Donald Trump administration's plans to dismantle USAID are advancing rapidly, generating controversy among international aid advocates and political sectors.

The start of the week for USAID employees was complicated, since the central offices in Washington had closed, so they had to work from home.

The next day, a notice on the website notified them that they would enter a leave of absence situation starting Friday. Those employees with a contract will see their employment relationship terminated, while those assigned abroad will be repatriated within a month.

USAID, which until now had more than 10,000 employees worldwide, will suffer a drastic cut, leaving only 294 officials, according to reports from the American media. This staff cutback is added to the cuts to its projects, after two weeks ago the White House ordered the suspension of almost all foreign aid from the United States. Added to this are the statements of the multimillionaire Elon Musk, head of the entity in charge of reducing expenses and bureaucracy, who said that “the time has come for USAID to die.”

The few officials who remain on the payroll will be accompanied by an undetermined number of local employees in the approximately 130 countries where the agency operated. USAID, the largest cooperation agency in the world, annually disbursed nearly 44 billion dollars in projects ranging from humanitarian aid to the fight against human trafficking.”

 

We add that today's newspapers are dealing with Trump's latest decree, on facilities for the dismissal of public employees, the measure to dismiss AID staff was blocked by a court, which forces the president to appeal to Congress.

 

On the dismissal of officials from the bureaucratic apparatus, agencies and intelligence services who come from the PD. Some of them will surely be replaced by officials from the PR. The party structure and electoral base of the PD is made up of bourgeois feminists, “minorities” and a “staff circle” made up of so-called “knowledge workers”, white-collar employees, engineers, scientists, experts and analysts, who work in technology companies, universities, consulting firms and banks as computer screen workers. They make up the main staff of the high state bureaucracy and spy agencies and are a large part of the staff of the so-called “development aid”.

 

Under the discourse of “de-bureaucratization” Trump and the representatives of the Republican Party (PR) try to conceal the real content of the struggle, that is, for the control of the highest bureaucratic instances and their main apparatuses such as the judiciary, intelligence services, government agencies and control of the so-called non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Displacement of those not loyal to the president, that is, members or those related to the PD. Key to this whole process is the control of judges, from the Supreme Court to the state level, etc. This has been an arena of contention since the 1960s.

 

The PR says that since the 1930s the “liberals” have controlled the federal government, the universities, the press and the judicial bodies, so a “conservative revolution” must achieve control of these institutions or find alternatives or, even more practically, to achieve the former one must begin with the latter. The Republicans have focused their interest in controlling the judicial courts at different levels since the last four decades of the last century until the present. Because they say that they win the elections, but the Democratic Party (DP) wins in the judicial bodies. This has led to a bitter dispute over the change in the composition of the judiciary. The above leads to the dispute for the control of higher education, to impose the content and orientation of the thinking of the faculty of law, which has been expressed as the struggle between "conservatives" supporters of "Originalism" who support the interpretation of rights and freedoms according to the thinking of the "founding fathers" of the "rights of the individual", that is, of the Philadelphia Convention of 1787, on the one hand, and the so-called "liberals" supporters of the legal interpretation according to the "right of persons" or "equality of rights", who since the 90s, respond to the post-modern theories of "identity", "gender", "origin", etc., on the other. The originalists founded the Federalist Society in the law schools of the universities of Chicago and Yale.The judges appointed by Rigan, G. H.W. Bush, George W. Bush and Donald Trump belonged to that society and were proposed by it. The members of the courts up to the Supreme Court appointed by Clinton, Obama and Biden are well-known representatives of the reactionary tendency called the “liberals”, at the service of the other faction. This situation in the superstructure of imperialism is important to take into account, to understand how some of the measures of the government of the genocidal Trump are blocked by some judges. As we have said, each president tries to appoint judges to the Supreme Court, according to his own orientation, as part of the absolute centralization of Power in the president, since Republican periods alternate with Democratic periods in the White House and as a majority of legislative chambers. 

 

We mention the above, so that it is understood what is happening these days, where some state judges have temporarily blocked the execution of presidential decrees. That is what is happening in the case at hand with USAID, where a judge has blocked the dismissal of thousands of members of this agency.

 

THE TRUE FACE OF AID

 

We will now define the role of this international “aid” agency of the United States Department of State (USAID):

 

All US espionage institutions work together and in agreement with the United States Agency for International Development. Its acts of intervention in Latin America have been sufficiently recorded since the beginning of the 1960s. To document what we are saying, we quote the following report:

 

Manuel Hevia Cosculluela, Passport 11333, Eight Years with the CIA, Havana, 1975, the author remained infiltrated among the members of the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), who operated in Uruguay from 1962 to 1971.

 

AUTHOR'S NOTE (January 1975)

(…)

I do not intend in these pages to attempt a study of imperialism. I only briefly describe some of its methods. That is why it may have seemed that by eliminating the CIA, the FBI, the AID and other instruments of penetration, we have solved the underlying problem. These are merely the tentacles of the octopus. And it has a very wide range of resources. 

(...)

ENTRY TO THE LABYRINTH AND THE CIA CARLYBACK RIDE

(…)

I had not been able to penetrate the Yankee network, nor even identify my contacts. They used me without me being able to neutralize you.

It was a very hard time and, finally, thanks to the efforts of Micale, who despite having fallen into disgrace maintained his friendship with Saenz, he entrusted me with some translations for the AID mission. (…) That is how I entered the labyrinth. It was something.

From the AID I began to have a broader vision of American interference. This was not very difficult. I had worked in governmental, political and economic circles, or rather, behind the scenes of such circles, where the makeup and the glare of the limelight do not fool anyone.

My relationships included figures from both traditional parties. I knew the way Jorge Batlle and his group operated, as well as the mechanism surrounding the coup attempts. I knew national advisors, ministers, senators, mayors, police chiefs.

(…) In this sense, the various functions I performed with the Americans helped me greatly. Their entire intelligence apparatus is rigorously compartmentalized, but since I occupied different compartments, I was able to have a broad vision of the set of Yankee activities in Uruguay, their methods of penetration and the way they use conscious or involuntary allies. My previous experience with the CIA in Cuba and the United States did not fail to help me.

I will later discuss the penetration of the police forces.

As far as the media and the people I had met up to that point are concerned, the CIA operates in a different way. It is interested in analysis and evaluations. When I began to do confidential translations after two years, a good part of the material to be processed was made up of reports of this type relating to newspaper companies, the trade union movement, students, the Church, parties, etc. A considerable number concerned psychological analyses of public figures and their relatives. All these evaluations were evidently made by Uruguayans or people who had been living in the country for a long time.

(…) The Americans have a mechanism that allows them to intervene directly in Uruguayan affairs. They also control all the intelligence services and large sectors of the police. They complement this with an information network, which records everything from state secrets to the extramarital affairs of a minister, a director or the wife of a deputy. At the same time, they have a system of checking and counter-checking to verify information and monitor their own sources. It is like a merry-go-round where the horse behind watches the one in front and the one in front watches the one in front. Above all, controlling the merry-go-round, are the facades of the CIA and the Political Section of the embassy.

(…)

THE SPIDER WEB

It is worth pausing for a brief description of the American embassy and its collateral organs (…) In 1966 the ambassador was Henry Hoyt. He was replaced by the first secretary John L. Topping.

There are three main sections of the embassy: the Political, the Economic and the Administrative. Each is headed by a secretary with diplomatic rank.

We will refer to the Political in detail later.

The Economic Section was responsible for everything related to Uruguay's financial affairs; the Administrative Section, for all internal movements and the provision of services, although later it assimilated all the administrative services of other departments such as AID and USIS (United States Information Service).

In addition to these sections, there are the offices of the attachés, which depend directly on the ambassador or Chargé d'Affaires. These are: Press, Cultural, Labor, Agricultural, Military, Air and Economic.

The difference between an attaché and a member of a mission is that the former has a well-defined diplomatic rank, and the latter, although he enjoys immunity and diplomatic prerogatives, is considered an advisor: an advisor belonging to the structures of the organizations of the country in which he is accredited.

This is a subtle difference, more formal than real, used in order not to hurt feelings. Theoretically, it is assumed that it is not the same for the United States military attaché to be installed - giving orders - in a base of the Uruguayan Armed Forces, than for a member of the North American military mission to be installed - as it really happens. The latter is not a diplomat, but an advisor. "Practically a Uruguayan military man," the Yankees claim modestly.

There are entities that, although theoretically autonomous, revolve around the embassy. This is the case of the Uruguay-United States Cultural Alliance (and its Artigas library - Washington). Although registered in the country as a public corporation and with Uruguayan legal personality, the Alliance is supervised by the cultural attaché, as well as the agents that the CIA places directly.

The Economic Mission is the representation of the Agency for International Development (AID). It had its offices (…) At that time its director was Frank Steward, a politician from the state of New Mexico who had been rewarded with this position by Lyndon Johnson for his electoral loyalty. It was structured in five divisions: Education, Agriculture, Finance, Programming and Public Safety. (We must remember that AID is the evolution of the supposed technical assistance program that Truman outlined in his point IV, when under the cover of this economic assistance and collaboration an efficient penetration mechanism was organized).

Of the five divisions, the Public Safety division is the most recent creation. For a long time, Washington had tried to “place” missions among the police forces of Latin American, African and Asian countries, but the objectives were too obvious. The military missions had already provoked many protests and complaints.

When this division was established within the AID, it was hoped that the interference would go unnoticed, at least at first. An additional advantage was that, generally, the agreement with the AID was approved by the parliament as a whole, without specifications on the items covered by the technical assistance. Such was the case in Uruguay. The AID operated for a time with only four divisions. Eventually, Public Security made its appearance.

The appearance of this new division did not fail to cause certain internal friction. Most of the AID technicians come from university backgrounds. Among them, the omnipotence of the Yankee intelligence bodies is more concealed. One in every few would be a direct agent of the CIA, but the others consider themselves technicians or professionals, although the majority is aware that the data they collect will ultimately end up in the archives of the Agency or the National Security Council of the United States.

On the contrary, the personnel of the Public Safety Division are recruited, in the main, from the FBI and the various municipal and state police forces. They are policemen, they do not hide it nor could they do so. And the other officials somewhat underestimate them, repeating once again the “fig leaf” scheme.

(…)

The Public Safety Division (which we all knew as “the mission”) had two offices: the nominal one, together with the other divisions, in the AID building; and the real one on the first floor of the Montevideo Police Headquarters (…) At the head of “the mission” was Adolph B. Saenz (…) He had been in the Marines, later being a police officer in his home state – New Mexico – and, later, in Los Angeles, California. There he was recruited by the FBI. When the Public Safety Division was organized in the AID, he became part of its ranks.”

 

Another report on the Agency says:

 

Canadian journalist Jean Guy Allard sums up the role of USAID: "Under its supposed humanitarian role, USAID participates in the search for information, the propagation of false news, subversion, the recruitment of agents, the creation of opposition groups and mercenaries, coups d'état and a whole series of tasks aimed at developing, extending and supporting the interference activities of the imperial power in Latin America."

 

Allard indicated that USAID intervenes in the internal affairs of our countries under the guise of humanitarian aid, with the support of non-governmental organizations such as Reporters Without Borders, Human Right Watch and the Inter-American Press Association.

 

"They are all part of a system of espionage maintained by Washington, which operates through kidnappings, murders, conspiracies of all kinds, assassinations, secret missions and attacks in the Latin American region"

 

Note from Caracas.- In Peru there is a network of people supported by USAID, directly and indirectly, through projects or intermediary organizations, among them: Manuela Ramos, Foro Salud, IDL, Justicia Viva, Proyecto Participa Perú, etc.

 

Cecilia Blondet is a USAID consultant. Incredibly, this lady is leading the election of the new Comptroller General of the Republic (see: Candidates for Comptroller General: they pass through the wrong filter). (http://www.abn.info.ve).

 

AS AN EXAMPLE OF THE AGENCY'S ACTIVITY IN PERU

 

To confirm the information on the intervention, penetration and control activities of Yankee imperialism in Peru, we include a press release from USAID itself where its activity is reported:

 

“MSI Worldwide

 

Management Systems Internationa

 Combating Corruption in Peru

 

MSI is implementing the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Anticorruption Threshold Program in Peru.

The MCC Anticorruption Threshold Program is helping the Government of Peru (GOP) combat public corruption by improving administrative systems and procedures, strengthening enforcement, and increasing public awareness about corruption. The ambitious, multi-faceted activities are being funded by MCC and administered by USAID.

In its first two years, over 1,800 media and civil society representatives, as well as judges, government officials and lawyers have taken part in trainings on the mechanisms available for citizens to combat corruption. Dissemination campaigns were also implemented in coordination with these workshops to promote the Judiciary’s anticorruption initiatives among the general public and inform citizens about the positive role they can play in fighting corruption.

he program is developed around a framework based on the existence of three “drivers” of corruption:

Lack of awareness about the problem;

Weak enforcement due to inefficient controls, investigation and sanction mechanisms; and

Opportunities that exist for corruption due to inefficient government processes and limited access to information.

Using this framework, four public offices selected by the government participate: the Judiciary, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Office of the Comptroller General and the Ombudsman Office. Complementary activities have been added with the National Council of Magistrates and the Prosecutor General’s Office.

The program is helping Peru to combat corruption by improving internal controls within the Judiciary as well as the police force, while improving transparency of police procedures. It is also helping to strengthen the capacity of offices in the Public Ministry to investigate acts of corruption and supporting efforts by the National Council of Magistrates to strengthen the disciplinary and selection processes for judges.

(...)

The project aims to promote the message that MCC and USAID are contributing to the government’s efforts to combat corruption by strengthening institutional capabilities for transparency and accountability.

Go to our Practice Areas section to access more projects by category Intranet Copyright 2018 MSI-INC “

 

The other tentacle of the imperialist octopus: IDL-Reporteros

 

The other tentacle of the imperialist octopus for its intervention activities in Peru, as already stated, is IDL, under the guise of investigative journalism. Let us read how it is positioned without naming the agency, in its activity:

 

“In this context of rampant corruption and growing distrust of the population in its institutions, IDL-Reporteros was born on February 14, 2010, under the auspices of the Institute of Legal Defense. With the same inspiration as its European or American peers: To monitor the political institutions of Peru and generate information to bring about social change and better functioning of its community (Gorriti, IDL-Reporteros: A year hunting for the hidden, 2010).”

 

Another, from the same CIA agent:

 

The main obstacle that IDL-Reporteros faces is its total dependence on a single source of

funding (Alves, 2011), the OSMP. To remedy this, Gustavo Gorriti conceived a very original idea.

He has called it Fair Advertising, a project similar to fair trade. In his

obsession with finding sustainable alternatives, Gorriti is trying to create a global list of companies

interested in supporting investigative journalism. A referenced list, certified by prestigious

institutions, to which the different investigative journalism in Latin America can turn to

request financial support. Gorriti launched this idea at the International Symposium on Online Journalism, organized by the University of Texas, with the sponsorship of AT&T and the Knight Center for Journalism in the Americas, on April 2, 2011.

 

Open Society. (2010 October 25). Investigative Journalists Take on Peruvian Corruption. Consulted 2011 July 21 Open Society Fundations: http://www.soros.org/initiatives/lap/news/idl-reporteros-20101025

 Requejo, J. L. (2010 August). How is investigative journalism financed in the United States? Consulted 2010 October 15 Sala de Prensa.org: http://saladeprensa.org/art1030