Document: PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY (COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU)

 

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

FIRST CONGRESS OF THE
COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU

(Marxist Congress, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought Congress)

Red Flag Editions

2022

SECOND SESSION

(8/27–9/16/1988)¹

(…)

Document: PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY²

(…)

III. PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY (OUTLINE)

I repeat: Problems of the History of the Party (Outline). Let us remember that we must always bear in mind what Chairman Mao said, that it was not very convenient to write a history of the Party; on the other hand, it was not at all simple because histories are always subject to correction. You might say, but there was a history of the CPC, yes, that of ……,³ but then it was condemned, that history was condemned in the Cultural Revolution; you might say, but the history of the Bolshevik Party, well, the Bolshevik Party has also undergone many changes since then.

Chairman Mao says that there is a model there, a masterpiece, yes, but let’s suppose what Comrade Stalin wrote there about dialectical and historical materialism, is it correct? No, according to the Chairman himself, with his approach to contradiction, no, it clashes, he does not refer to it explicitly, it is a way of conceiving it and the lessons he draws from it. Don’t think, then, that what is there — if you read Volume III, the Chairman says it is a masterpiece, he says we should all study it — don’t think now that what Comrade Stalin discusses there about dialectical and historical materialism is correct. No, it openly clashes with what the Chairman proposes in the contradiction. Why? Comrade Stalin proposes four laws and does not even call them laws, he calls them features. One must understand these things. In short, it is an exceptional work. Would we be in a position to do it? One has to ask oneself that question. No, therefore, it is not feasible, and if we take into account what the Chairman has taught us, it is better to take into account what the Chairman said and see what we can do and what suits us, what we need.

We follow the well-known outline, repeatedly sanctioned by the Party, that there are three stages in our process, remember? Constitution, Reconstitution, and Leadership of the people’s war. That outline has been adopted. Within that framework, we address problems. That is the criterion that has guided us because, I repeat, it has already been approved: Constitution, Reconstitution, and Leadership of the people’s war. Within those three parts of the party process, since it was founded by Mariátegui and his predecessors, we address some problems:

I CONSTITUTION.

We pose the following problems:

- Struggle for the constitution of the Party

We consider this point to be very important. First, our position that Mariátegui founded the Communist Party of Peru must be made clear; we reject the idea that Ravinez founded it because historically this is not the case. It was Mariátegui himself who proposed changing the name of the party to the Communist Party of Peru. That was his proposal, but he died and Mariátegui’s proposal was approved at a party meeting after his death. That is the problem, but the Party was not founded by Ravinez; that is not true.

To make the struggle clear, particularly against Haya de la Torre and his nascent Aprista ideas. I am not referring to the Peruvian Aprista Party, which dates back to 1930 or 1931 — they say they are older than us, but that is not true; the Aprista Party was founded, the Arpa, because that is how it is, it is an alliance, initially it was even Arpa, that was its name: Arpa, it was founded in 1925 in Mexico,⁴ because that’s the way it is, that’s the reality, with five points and that’s it, what else is the famous alliance? The Peruvian Aprista Party was only founded here around 1930. Well, we are only interested in Mariátegui’s struggle against Haya de la Torre’s criteria and positions; even more so now, because not only are they saying that there is a Haya-Mariateguism, even putting Haya ahead, but they are also saying, even at the height of it, Haya-Leninism, and we cannot allow that. In other words, it is a current, burning issue; we want to take up issues that are useful to us, we don’t want a history that we can learn from, we want a weapon of struggle, that’s why we take up issues, that’s the reason.

- Well, a second problem within this first question would be: the role of Mariátegui.

That is another question. It must be made very clear that Mariátegui is the founder of the Party, what Mariátegui has done, what Mariátegui’s role is, especially because Mariátegui is being trafficked, isn’t he? We cannot consent to this, we cannot allow the PUM⁵ that traffics in him. So, it is a problem of the history of Marxism in Peru, of course; beyond that, it is a problem of new ideas in Peru, isn’t it? It is a problem of class in Peru, it is not an unimportant thing, this must be made very clear.

- Another problem: abandoning of the line and opportunism

What do we want to see here? Not only that Mariátegui established his line through struggle, but that his line was abandoned, denied, and where did all that lead? To opportunism. Scandalous examples: the bastardized electioneering of 1939, the frontism of 1945 when they said, “the thesis that elections should be used only as propaganda has expired; the program today is to win seats”, are the exact words of the Party secretary himself, Jorge Acosta. Why do we use this, why do we need this problem, what does abandoning a line imply, where does it lead? Historically, our Party shows that it leads to opportunism, doesn’t it? That’s right. Abandoning Marxism-Leninism and its application here in Peru — because Mariátegui did that, and in a creative way, no one can deny it — abandoning that led to opportunism, led to Browderism, a precursor to contemporary revisionism. So, it’s a good lesson, isn’t it? Of course, our own history teaches us great lessons.

We consider that these three issues can be addressed in the section on the Constitution, the first part.

II Reconstitution.

There we must address two problems:

- the struggle against contemporary revisionism

- the other problem: the reconstitution of the Party. The Communist Party of Peru.

Why do we pose these two problems? It is linked to the above. Abandoning Mariátegui’s just and correct Marxist-Leninist position and its creative application in Peru, abandoning that line led to opportunism and we sank into the mire. To get out of it, we had to wage a struggle against contemporary revisionism. Is this linked to the above or not? Opportunism sinks us; to save ourselves, we have to fight against revisionism. It’s a very easy lesson to understand, isn’t it? Just as the history of the Party shows that abandoning Marxism leads us to ruin, it also tells us that by embracing Marxism and fighting revisionism, we develop, we get back on our feet, we get out of the mire. That is the reason for this problem.

And the Reconstitution, and why do we emphasize Communist Party of Peru? Because it must be made very clear that the Party exists: and it proves this because it has opened up, in reality, with arms in hand, with a vigorous people’s war, the true and real path of democratic revolution to conquer power. This is what the Chairman is demonstrating when he analyzes the experience of Russia, of old Russia, of the Bolshevik Party, and the experience of China, of the CPC, comparing it with India. he says: “Why was there a revolution in old Tsarist Russia? Because there was a Party. Why was there one in China? Because there was a Party. Why is there not one in India, given that conditions are similar to those in China? Because there is no Party”. So this is another key problem, not only for us communists, but also for the struggle in this country.

III. LEADERSHIP OF THE PEOPLE’S WAR.

Here, we will address three issues:

- The initiation and development of the people’s war. The people’s guerrilla army and New Power.

- Second issue: the Party and the current ideological dynamic. Combating revisionism as the main danger.

- Third issue: the Party’s task today: leading the conquest of power in the entire country.

There are three problems. Well, it is linked to the previous one: we have a Party. Having a Party, what did we do? We started and developed the people’s war. Without a Party, there would be no initation and no people’s war. And what has that people’s war given us? A people’s guerrilla army, without which such a war could not have been waged. and it has given us something else, the new Power. We are solving the central problem of the revolution, we are demolishing the old order and laying the foundations for what will be the new in a brilliant perspective toward the future. That is another problem. This must be made very clear.

The second, why do we address it? Because class struggle is intensifying, there is polarization, class struggle is intensifying worldwide, there is polarization, there is great ideological conflict, it will develop, we are seeing how an offensive of revisionism is unfolding once again, whether it be Albania, China as an imperialist power, or the Soviet Union as an imperialist power or superpower contending for world hegemony; not only them, but also the imperialist powers, all of imperialism, all of world reaction is aimed against Marxism, aimed against Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, which is claimed to be obsolete.

All of this is striking, it is what we call the current ideological dynamic and we have to face it, and there lies the key: what is it? To combat revisionism as the main danger, in the Party, in the country, in the world, against whoever it may be, a tenth-rate power, it doesn’t matter to us, whether it is social-imperialism, it doesn’t matter to us, whoever it may be who targets Marxism. Because the partners collude and struggle for world hegemony, but they help each other to crush the revolution, dreaming.

So, this problem is very important. Remember what we said about differentiation: is it necessary or not? Does it have to do with the rectification campaign? Of course it does. This prepares us, arms us, for what? To fulfill the task that falls to the Party. What is that task? Our problem, then, is to lead the conquest of power in the entire country, to complete the democratic revolution and move on, without interruption, to the socialist revolution. Then, when the conditions are right, the great revolution or the proletarian cultural revolution will express itself and take place, whatever magnitude it may have, who knows, and so it will begin.

So, we focus on problems that are weapons to fight with. That is what we need, not just a document that someone can read and learn from; that does not interest us. What interests us is arming ourselves with our own experience, with our own problems, drawing our own lessons, positive or negative, whatever they may be.

So, this is how we understand this problem of the history.

We have discussed these issues many times, yes; there is a document, I think it is over 200 pages long, on the history of the Party, so if the Congress agrees to do it this way, to raise other issues, it will be feasible using that document, which, I repeat, is about 200 pages long; but we want a short, clear, understandable document that the masses can handle, the proletariat, the people, obviously the communists, they first and foremost. We think about the type of militancy we have. What do we gain from a 300- or 500-page tome? What do we gain? At least today we don’t need it. Maybe tomorrow, who knows, if tomorrow conditions allow it to be so, then so be it. But what do we need today? That is what we ask ourselves, what do we need today? We need the history of the Party, with all its problems, to be another weapon in the struggle. That is the idea, that is the idea that guides us in raising these kinds of issues, whether they be these or others.

This is what the Bureau proposes as Problems in the History of the Party, in outline form. I repeat, the document already exists, we have discussed it many times, so it will not be a major problem to extract these or other problems from it.

(…)

(The Congress Stands)

Comrades: LONG LIVE THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU! LONG LIVE!!

LONG LIVE THE FIRST CONGRESS! LONG LIVE!!

LONG LIVE THE PEOPLE’S WAR! LONG LIVE!!

GLORY TO MARXISM-LENINISM-MAOISM! GLORY!!

GLORY TO MARXISM-LENINISM-MAOISM! GLORY!!

GLORY TO MARXISM-LENINISM-MAOISM! GLORY!!

Comrades: LONG LIVE THE PARTY! LONG LIVE!!

HAVING THE PARTY, HAVING MASSES, ALL MIRACLES WILL BE PERFORMED!

HAVING THE PARTY, HAVING MASSES, ALL MIRACLES WILL BE PERFORMED!

HAVING THE PARTY, HAVING MASSES, ALL MIRACLES WILL BE PERFORMED!

(Applause)

---

1. https://vnd-peru.blogspot.com/2025/10/mpp-viva-el-97-aniversario-de-la.html↩︎

2. Peru People’s Movement: On October 7, 2020, we published part of this Document from the First Congress of the Party as the first part of our document for the 92nd anniversary of the PCP: OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY AND THREE MOMENTS IN THE HISTORY OF CONTEMPORARY PERU. On this new anniversary, we are publishing it in its entirety and recommend deepening your understanding of it by studying the Military Line of the Party.↩︎

3. Peru People’s Movement: It does not appear in the transcript of the document, so the ellipsis from the original is retained.↩︎

4. Peru People’s Movement: The date and place have been filled in by us where there were only ellipses.↩︎

5. Red Library: Unified Mariateguist Party.↩︎

    

    PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY, accessible at https://redlibrary.info/works/pcp/problems-of-the-history-of-the-party.↩︎
   

Peru People’s Movement: IN COMMEMORATION OF THE 97TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU1

 

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

IN COMMEMORATION OF THE 97TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE
COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU¹

DOCUMENT: PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY

We salute the international proletariat and the peoples of the world, with exultant joy and revolutionary optimism at its peak, on the occasion of the 97th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of Peru (PCP) on October 7. On this new anniversary of the founding of the Party, the Peru People’s Movement, the organism generated by the Party for international work, once again pays homage to its great founder, José Carlos Mariátegui.

On this new anniversary of the founding of the Party, we publish the document: PROBLEMS IN THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY,² which is part of the Report presented by Chairman Gonzalo to the II Session of the First Congress of the Communist Party of Peru (PCP), Peru, 1988.³

LONG LIVE THE 97TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDING OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU!

Peru People’s Movement

October 2025

---

1. https://vnd-peru.blogspot.com/2025/10/mpp-viva-el-97-aniversario-de-la.html↩︎

2. On October 7, 2020, we published part of this Document from the First Congress of the Party as the first part of our document for the 92nd anniversary of the PCP: OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY AND THREE MOMENTS IN THE HISTORY OF CONTEMPORARY PERU. On this new anniversary, we are publishing it in its entirety and recommend deepening your understanding of it by studying the Military Line of the Party.↩︎

3. Red Library: Originally attached to this statement was PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY, accessible at https://redlibrary.info/works/pcp/problems-of-the-history-of-the-party.↩︎

    

THE RED HERALD: Censorship: Channels of V.A.R.A. Removed

 

Europe Featured

Censorship: Channels of V.A.R.A. Removed

T.I.

October 8, 2025

A new case of video platform repression was denounced by the musical project Voces Al Rojo Amaencer (Voices at the Red Dawn – V.A.R.A.) from the Spanish State. They recently published their song, “Nuestra arma roja es la más fuerte” (Our Red Weapon Is the Strongest), with Maoist content, showing images of Chairman Mao Tse-Tung and images from the ongoing People’s Wars, among other pictures.

Now V.A.R.A. has denounced that Youtube as well as Vimeo deleted their videos on four occasions. In a note published by Servir al Pueblo they state: “All our channels are removed with no right to appeal. The reason: not respecting the community rules and «promoting violence and criminal organizations». (…)

It is not surprising, because platforms such as Youtube and Vimeo are US imperialist monopolies and they don’t want us to spread our music supporting the struggles of the international proletariat and the peoples of the world. While Youtube attacks our revolutionary music, it allows and promotes reactionary channels with fascist and Zionist propaganda without punishment. This is not the end. We will continue to make our music and spread our songs.”

VARA music · Nuestra arma roja es la más fuerte

Recently we have also reported on the repression against the Youtube channel of Dem Volke Dienen, which also suffered a similar attack:

DEM VOLKE DIENEN Internationale Solidarität gegen die Zensur

 Kategorie: Weltweit

Wir haben von einer Reihe von Nachrichtenseiten Meldung bekommen, dass diese sich gegen die Zensur des YouTube-Kanals von Dem VolkeDienen aussprechen.

Die italienische Seite PER LA DEMOCRAZIA POPOLARE veröffentlichte eine Übersetzung des Artikels in Italienische: Dem Volke Dienen: censurato per aver servito il popolo

Das Netzwerk Freiheit für alle politischen Gefangenen veröffentlichte den Artikel auf ihrer Webseite: https://political-prisoners.net/zensiert-weil-es-dem-volk-dient/34701/

Die US-amerikanische Webseite The Worker veröffentlichte eine Übersetzung des Artikels und dazu eine Stellungnahme:

The Worker drückt seine internationalistische Solidarität mit Dem Volke Dienen , den Genossen der roten Nachrichtenfront, aus und verurteilt die Zensur durch das Technologiemonopol. Wie Dem Volke Dienen in seiner Erklärung schreibt: „Dieser Angriff auf eine Plattform für revolutionäre und antiimperialistische Informationen und Propaganda passt perfekt in das Schema der Unterdrückung jeglicher abweichender Meinung, das Teil des Prozesses ist, in dem die bürgerlichen Staaten immer reaktionärer werden.“ Wir begrüßen das Versprechen der Genossen von Dem Volke Dienen, besser vorbereitet und organisiert aus dieser Zensur hervorzugehen und weiterhin ihre Posten an der journalistischen Front zu behalten.

Wir bedanken uns für die Unterstützung und werden dies an die Genossen weiterleiten.

Hamburg / Bremen: Aktionen zum Jahrestag der Gründung der KPP

 

Hamburg / Bremen: Aktionen zum Jahrestag der Gründung der KPP

Am 7. Oktober 1928, heute vor 97 Jahren, gründete José Carlos Mariátegui die Kommunistische Partei Perus. Nach der Usurpierung durch den Revisionismus war es der Vorsitzende Gonzalo, der die Rekonstituierung der Partei und die Einleitung des Volkskriegs führte und inmitten des erbitterten Kampfes der peruanischen Massen gegen Imperialismus, Halbfeudalismus und den bürokratischen Kapitalismus den Maoismus als dritte und höhere Stufe des Marxismus definierte.

Aktionen, die anlässlich dieses Tages durchgeführt wurden, wurden uns unter anderem aus Hamburg und Bremen zugeschickt. In Hamburg sind Dazibaos aufgehängt worden, in Bremen wurde ein Graffito gemacht.

Hamburg-Sternschanze

Bremen-Gröpelingen

Geschrieben von awwa (DVD)

Veröffentlicht: 07. Oktober 2025

• Peru
• PCP

MPP: LONG LIVE THE 97TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDING OF THE PCP!

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

IN COMMEMORATION OF THE 97TH ANNIVERSARY

OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU

DOCUMENT: PROBLEMS IN THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY

We greet the international proletariat and the peoples of the world, with exultant joy and the highest revolutionary optimism, on the occasion of the 97th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of Peru (PCP) this October 7th. On this new anniversary of the Party's founding, the Peru People’s Movement, the organization generated by the Party for international work, once again pays tribute to its great founder, José Carlos Mariátegui.

On this new anniversary of the Party's founding, we publish the document: PROBLEMS IN THE HISTORY OF THE PART (*). Y, which is part of the Report presented by Chairman Gonzalo to the Second Session of the First Congress of the Communist Party of Peru (PCP), Peru, 1988.

LONG LIVE THE 97TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDING OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU!

Peru People’s Movement

October 2025

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

FIRST CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU

(Marxist Congress, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Congress, Gonzalo Thought)

Red Flag Editions

2022

SECOND SESSION

(8/27-9/16/88)

(...)

Document: PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY

(...)

III. PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY ( OUTLINE).

I repeat: Problems of the History of the Party (Outline) Let us remember that we must always keep in mind what Chairman Mao said, that it was not very convenient to write a history of the Party; on the other hand, it was not at all simple because histories are always subject to correction. You will say, but there was a history of the CCP, yes, that of ………(**), but it was later condemned; during the Cultural Revolution, that history was condemned. You may say, but the history of the Bolshevik Party, well, the Bolshevik Party has also undergone many modifications since then.

Chairman Mao says that there is a model, a masterpiece, yes, but let's suppose what c. Stalin wrote there about dialectical and historical materialism, is that correct? No, according to the President himself, with his approach to contradiction, no, it clashes, he doesn't refer to it expressly, it's a way of having conceived and the lessons he draws; don't go thinking, then, that what is there—if you read volume III, the President says it's a masterpiece, that's what he says we should all study—don't go thinking now that what C. Stalin discusses there about dialectical and historical materialism is correct, no, it openly clashes with what the President proposes in the contradiction, why? C. Stalin proposes four laws and doesn't even call them laws, he calls them features, you have to know how to understand things. In short, it's an exceptional work, would we be in a position to do it? -one has to ask oneself that- no, therefore, it is not appropriate and if we take into account what the President has taught, it is better to take into account what the President said and see what we can do and what suits us, what we need.

We follow the familiar framework, sanctioned several times by the Party, that we have three stages in our process, remember?: the Constitution, Reconstitution, and Leadership of the People's War. That framework has been adopted. It is within that framework that we address problems; that is the criterion that has guided us because, I repeat, it has already been sanctioned: Constitution, Reconstitution, Leadership of the People's War. Within those three parts of the Party process, since it was founded by Mariátegui and his predecessors, we address some issues:

I. CONSTITUTION.

We raise the following issues:

- struggle for the constitution of the Party

We consider this point to be very important. First, our position on the fact that Mariátegui founded the Communist Party of Peru must be clear; We reject the idea that Ravinez founded it because historically that's not the case. It was Mariátegui himself who proposed changing the Party's name to the Communist Party of Peru. That was his proposal. However, he died, and Mariátegui's proposal was approved at a party meeting after his death. That's the problem. But the Party wasn't founded by Ravinez. That's not true.

To make the struggle clear, particularly against Haya de la Torre and his nascent APRA ideas. I'm not talking about the Aprista Party of Peru, which dates back to 1930 or 1931—they say they're older than us, that's not true. The APRA was founded, the ARPA, because that's how it is, it's an alliance, initially it was even ARPA, that's what it was called: ARPA, that was founded (in 1925 in Mexico ***), just because, that's the reality, with 5 points and it's over, what else is the famous alliance? - the Party (Peruvian Aprista) here was founded just back in 30. Well, we're only interested in Mariátegui's fight against the criteria and positions of Haya de la Torre; more so now, because they're not only saying that there's a Haya-Mariateguism, even putting Haya first, but they're even saying, at the height, Haya-Leninism, we can't allow that. I mean, it's a current, burning issue; what we want to take on are issues that serve us; we don't want a history that informs us, we want a weapon of struggle, that's why we take on issues, that's the reason.

- Well, a second problem within this first question would be: Mariátegui's role.

That's another question. It must be made very clear that Mariátegui is the founder of the Party, what Mariátegui has done, what Mariátegui's role is, especially since there is trafficking in Mariátegui, right? We can't allow it either, we can't allow, then, a PUM that traffics. So, it's a problem of the history of Marxism in Peru, of course; beyond that, it's a problem of new ideas in Peru, right? It's a problem of the class in Peru, it's not an unimportant thing, this must be made very clear.

- Another problem: abandonment of the line and opportunism

What do we want to see here? Not only that the line that Mariátegui established was done in struggle, but that his line was abandoned, it was denied, and where did all that lead?: opportunism. Scandalous examples: the bastardly electoralism of 1939, the frontism of 1945, when they said, "The thesis that elections should be used only for propaganda has expired; the program today is to win seats," are the exact words of the Party's own secretary, Jorge Acosta. Why do we use this, why do we need this problem? What does abandoning a line imply, and where does it lead? Historically, our Party demonstrates that it leads to opportunism, or not? That's right. Abandoning Marxism-Leninism and its application here in Peru—because Mariátegui did that, and in a creative way, no one can deny it—abandoning that led to opportunism, led to Browderism, a precursor to contemporary revisionism. So, it's a good lesson, or not? Of course, our own history teaches us great lessons.

We believe we can address these three problems in the first part of the Constitution.

II Reconstitution

There we must address two problems:

- the fight against contemporary revisionism.

- the other problem: the Reconstitution of the Party. The Communist Party of Peru.

Why do we raise these two problems? It's linked to the above. Abandoning the just and correct Marxist-Leninist position of Mariátegui and its creative application in Peru, abandoning that line led to opportunism, and we sank into the mud. To get out of it, we had to wage a struggle against contemporary revisionism. Is it linked to the above or not? Opportunism sinks us; to save ourselves, we have to fight revisionism; it's a very easy lesson to understand, isn't it? Just as the history of the Party shows that abandoning Marxism leads us to collapse, it also tells us that by embracing Marxism and fighting revisionism, we develop, we get back on our feet, we get out of the mud. That is the reason for this problem.

And the Reconstitution, and why do we emphasize the Communist Party of Peru? Because it must be made abundantly clear that the Party exists. And it proves it because it has opened, in reality, with weapons in hand, with a vigorous people's war, the true and real path of the democratic revolution to seize power. This is demonstrated here, what the President says when he analyzes the experience of Russia, of old Russia, of the Bolshevik Party, and the experience of China, of the CCP, comparing it with India. He says: "Why is it that there was a revolution in old Tsarist Russia? Because there was a Party; why was there one in China? Because there was a Party; why isn't there one in India, given similar conditions as in China? Because there is no Party." So, this is another key problem, not only for us communists, but for fighting, then, in this country.

III. DIRECTION OF THE PEOPLE'S WAR.

Here, we address three problems:

- The beginning and development of the people's war. The people's guerrilla army and the New Power.

- The second problem: the Party and the current ideological dynamic. Combating revisionism as the main danger.

- The third problem: the Party's current task: leading the conquest of power throughout the country.

There are three problems. Well, it's connected to the previous one: we have a Party. Having a Party, what did we do? We began and developed the people's war. Without a Party, there is no beginning, nor is there a people's war. And what has that people's war given us? A people's guerrilla army; otherwise, such a war would not have been possible. And it has given us something else: the new power. We are solving the central problem of the revolution. We are demolishing the old order and laying the foundations for what must be the new, with a brilliant perspective for the future. That is another problem. This must be made very clear.

The second, why do we address it? Because the class struggle is sharpening, there is polarization, the class struggle is intensifying in the world, there is polarization, there is great ideological conflict, it will develop, we are seeing how a revisionist offensive unfolds again, whether it is Albania, whether it is China as an imperialist power, whether it is the Soviet Union, an imperialist power or superpower vying for global hegemony; not only them, but also the imperialist powers, all of imperialism, all of global reaction is targeting Marxism, targeting Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, it is pretending that it has expired. All of this is shocking; it's what we call the current ideological dynamic, and we have to confront it. And that's the key: combat revisionism as the main danger, in the Party, in the country, in the world, against whoever it is, a tenth-order power, it doesn't matter to us, whether it's social-imperialism, it doesn't matter to us, whoever it is that aims against Marxism. Because the partners, then, collude and fight for world hegemony, but they help each other to crush the revolution, dreaming.

So, this problem is very important. Remember what we said about differentiation: is it necessary, or not? Does it have to do with the rectification campaign? Of course it does. This prepares us, equips us, for what? To fulfill the task that falls to the Party. What is that task? Our problem, then, is to lead the conquest of power throughout the country, to complete the democratic revolution, and to move uninterruptedly toward the socialist revolution. Then, when the conditions are right, it will express itself and the great revolution or the proletarian cultural revolution will take place, whatever its magnitude, who knows, and that's how it will be set in motion.

So, we focus on problems that are weapons to combat. That's what we need, not a simple document that someone can read or inform themselves about; we're not interested in that. What matters is arming ourselves with our own experience, with our own problems, drawing our own lessons, positive or negative, whatever.

So, that's how we understand this problem of history.

We've discussed these issues many times, yes. There's a document, I think it's over 200 pages long, on the history of the Party. So, if the Congress agrees to do it this way, to address other issues, it will be feasible using that document, which is, I repeat, about 200 pages long. But we want a brief, clear, understandable document that the masses can handle, the proletariat, the people, obviously the communists, them first and foremost. We think about the type of militancy we have. What do we gain from a 300-page or 500-page tome? What do we gain? At least today we don't need it; perhaps tomorrow, well, who knows, if tomorrow conditions allow it to be so, then it will be so. But what do we need today? That's what we're asking ourselves. What do we need today? That the history of the Party, with its problems, should be another weapon of struggle. That's the idea. That's the idea that guides us in raising these kinds of problems. They could be these or others.

This is what the Bureau proposes as Problems of the History of the Party, in outline form. I repeat, the document already exists; we've discussed it many times. It won't be a major problem, then, to extract these or other problems from it.

(...)

(The Congress stands)

Comrades: LONG LIVE THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU! LONG LIVE!!

LONG LIVE THE FIRST CONGRESS! LONG LIVE!!

LONG LIVE THE PEOPLE'S WAR! LONG LIVE!!

GLORY TO MARXISM-LENINISM-MAOISM! GLORY!!

GLORY TO MARXISM-LENINISM-MAOISM! GLORY!!

GLORY TO MARXISM-LENINISM-MAOISM! GLORY!!

Comrades: LONG LIVE THE PARTY! LONG LIVE!!

HAVING THE PARTY, HAVING THE MASSES, ALL MIRACLES WILL BE FULFILLED!

HAVING THE PARTY, HAVING THE MASSES, ALL MIRACLES WILL BE FULFILLED!

HAVING THE PARTY, HAVING THE MASSES, ALL MIRACLES WILL BE FULFILLED!

(Applause)

NOTES:

(*) On October 7, 2020, we published part of this Document from the First Party Congress as the first part of our document for the 92nd anniversary of the PCP: OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY AND THREE MOMENTS IN THE HISTORY OF CONTEMPORARY PERU. On this new anniversary, we are publishing it in full and recommend that you further your understanding of it by studying the Party's Military Line.

We reaffirm that this party document is a weapon of combat for communists, combatants, and the masses to complete the pending task of the general reorganization of the Party in and for the People's War in a fight to the death against revisionism, both from the revisionist and capitulationist ROL structured in the prisons with the support of the Yankee CIA-Peruvian reaction, and against that structured in the VRAE, both sworn enemies of Maoism and Gonzalo Thought, of Chairman Gonzalo, of the PCP, of the BUP, and of the People's War.

(**) It does not appear in the transcription of the document, so the ellipses of the original have been retained. (

***) The date and place have been completed by us where the ellipses were.

MPP: ¡VIVA EL 97° ANIVERSARIO DE LA FUNDACIÓN DEL PCP!

 

¡Proletarios de todos los países, uníos!

EN CONMEMORACIÓN DEL 97° ANIVERSARIO

DEL PARTIDO COMUNISTA DEL PERÚ

DOCUMENTO: PROBLEMAS DE LA HISTORIA DEL PARTIDO

Saludamos al proletariado internacional y a los pueblos del mundo, con exultante alegría y optimismo revolucionario al tope, con ocasión de cumplirse este 07 de octubre el 97° aniversario de la fundación del Partido Comunista del Perú (PCP). En este nuevo aniversario de la fundación del Partido, el Movimiento Popular Perú, el organismo generado por el Partido para el trabajo internacional, rinde una vez más homenaje a su gran fundador José Carlos Mariátegui.

En este nuevo aniversario de la fundación del Partido, publicamos el documento: PROBLEMAS DE LA HISTORIA DEL PARTIDO (*), que es parte del Informe presentado por el Presidente Gonzalo a la II Sesión del Primer Congreso del Partido Comunista del Perú (PCP), Perú, 1988.

 

¡VIVA EL 97° ANIVERSARIO DE LA FUNDACIÓN DEL PARTIDO COMUNISTA DEL PERÚ!

Movimiento Popular Perú

Octubre de 2025

¡Proletarios de todos los países, uníos!

PRIMER CONGRESO DEL PARTIDO COMUNISTA EL PERÚ

(Congreso marxista, Congreso marxista-leninista-maoísta, pensamiento gonzalo)

Ediciones Bandera Roja

2022

SEGUNDA SESIÓN

(27/VIII-16/IX/88)

(...)

Documento: PROBLEMAS DE LA HISTORIA DEL PARTIDO

(...)

III. PROBLEMAS DE LA HISTORIA DEL PARTIDO (ESQUEMA)

Repito: Problemas de la Historia del Partido (Esquema). Pensemos, que hay que tener muy presente siempre lo que el Presidente Mao dijo, que no era muy conveniente hacer una historia del Partido; por otro lado no era nada simple porque las historias siempre están sujetas a ser corregidas. Se me dirá, pero hubo una historia del PCCh, sí, la de ………(**), pero luego fue condenada, en la revolución cultural fue condenada esa historia; se podrá decir, pero la historia del Partido bolchevique, bueno, el Partido bolchevique también ha sufrido muchas modificaciones después.

El Presidente Mao dice que ahí hay un modelo, una obra maestra, sí, pero supongamos lo que c. Stalin escribió ahí sobre el materialismo dialéctico e histórico, ¿es correcto?, no, de acuerdo con el propio Presidente, con su planteamiento de la contradicción, no, choca, él no se refiere expresamente, es una manera de haber concebido y las lecciones que saca; no vayan a pensar, entonces, que lo que está ahí -si ustedes leen el tomo III, el Presidente dice es una obra maestra, así dice que todos debemos estudiar- no vayan a pensar ahora que lo que está ahí tratado por el c. Stalin sobre el materialismo dialéctico e histórico es correcto, no, choca abiertamente con lo que el Presidente plantea en la contradicción, ¿por qué?, c. Stalin plantea cuatro leyes y no le llama siquiera leyes, les llama rasgos, hay que saber entender las cosas. En fin, es una obra excepcional, ¿estaríamos en condiciones de hacer? -uno tiene que preguntarse eso- no, por tanto, no cabe y si tenemos en cuenta lo que el Presidente ha enseñado, es mejor tener en cuenta lo que el Presidente dijo y ver qué es lo que podemos hacer y qué nos conviene, qué necesitamos.

Seguimos el esquema conocido ya, varias veces sancionado por el Partido, sobre que tenemos tres momentos en nuestro proceso, ¿recuerdan?: el de la Constitución, Reconstitución y Dirección de la guerra popular, ese esquema ha sido tomado. Dentro de ése es que cogemos problemas, ése es el criterio que nos ha guiado porque eso, reitero, ya está sancionado: Constitución, Reconstitución, Dirección de la guerra popular. Dentro de esas tres partes del proceso partidario, desde que fue fundado por Mariátegui y sus antecedentes, cogemos algunos problemas:

I CONSTITUCIÓN.

Nos planteamos los siguientes problemas:

- lucha por la constitución del Partido

Consideramos que este punto es muy importante. Primero, debe quedar clara nuestra posición sobre que Mariátegui fundó el Partido Comunista del Perú; nosotros rechazamos que lo haya fundado Ravinez porque históricamente no es así, fue el propio Mariátegui quien planteó el cambio de nombre al Partido y que se llamara Partido Comunista del Perú, ésa fue su propuesta, sólo que él falleció y la propuesta de Mariátegui fue sancionada en una reunión partidaria posterior a la muerte, ése es el problema, pero no ha sido fundado el Partido por Ravinez, eso no es cierto.

Para dejar bien clara la lucha, particularmente librada contra Haya de la Torre y sus ideas de aprismo nacientes. No digo del Partido Aprista Peruano que es del año 30 o 31 -ellos dicen que son más antiguos que nosotros, no es cierto; el Apra fue fundada, la Arpa, porque así es, es alianza, inicialmente era Arpa incluso, así se llamaba: Arpa, ésa fue fundada en 1925 en México (***), porque sí no más, ésa es la realidad, con 5 puntos y se acabó, ¿qué más es la famosa alianza?- el Partido (Aprista Peruano) aquí fue fundado recién allá por el 30. Bueno, sólo nos interesa la lucha de Mariátegui contra los criterios y posiciones de Haya de la Torre; más ahora, porque se está no solamente diciendo que hay un haya-mariateguismo, poniendo incluso por delante a Haya, sino que se dice, incluso ya en el colmo, haya-leninismo, eso no lo podemos permitir. O sea, es un problema actual, candente; lo que queremos tomar son problemas que nos sirvan, no queremos una historia en la cual nos informemos, queremos un arma de lucha, por eso es que cogemos problemas, ésa es la razón.

- Bien, un segundo problema dentro de esta primera cuestión sería: el papel de Mariátegui.

Esa es otra cuestión. Debe quedar bien en claro que Mariátegui es el fundador del Partido, qué es lo que ha hecho Mariátegui, cuál es el papel de Mariátegui, máxime porque se trafica con Mariátegui, ¿o no?, no podemos tampoco consentir, no podemos permitir, pues, que haya un PUM que trafique. Entonces, es un problema de la historia del marxismo en el Perú, claro; más allá, es un problema de las ideas nuevas en el Perú, ¿o no?, es un problema de la clase en el Perú, no es una cosa sin importancia, esto debe quedar bien claro.

- Otro problema: abandono de la línea y oportunismo

¿Qué queremos ver acá? No sólo que la línea que Mariátegui estableció lo hizo en lucha, sino que su línea fue abandonada, fue negada y, ¿a dónde llevó todo eso?: el oportunismo. Muestras escandalosas: el electorerismo bastardo del año 39, el frentismo del año 45 cuando decían “ha caducado la tesis que las elecciones deben ser usadas sólo como propaganda, el programa hoy es ganar curules”, son palabras textuales del propio secretario del Partido, Jorge Acosta. ¿Por qué usamos esto, por qué necesitamos este problema, qué implica pues abandonar una línea, a dónde lleva?: históricamente nuestro Partido demuestra que lleva al oportunismo, ¿o no?, eso es. El abandonar el marxismo-leninismo y su aplicación aquí en el Perú -porque hizo eso Mariátegui y en forma creadora, nadie lo puede negar-, el abandonar eso llevó al oportunismo, llevó al browderismo, un antecedente del revisionismo contemporáneo. Entonces, es buena lección, ¿o no?, claro pues, nuestra propia historia nos da grandes lecciones.

Esos tres problemas consideramos que podemos tratar en el punto referente a Constitución, la primera parte.

II Reconstitución.

Ahí debemos tratar dos problemas:

- la lucha contra el revisionismo contemporáneo

- el otro problema: la reconstitución del Partido. El Partido Comunista del Perú.

¿Por qué planteamos esos dos problemas?: está ligado a lo anterior. El abandonar la posición justa y correcta, marxista-leninista de Mariátegui y su aplicación creadora en el Perú, el abandonar esa línea llevó al oportunismo y nos hundimos en el fango, para salir de él tuvimos que librar una lucha contra el revisionismo contemporáneo, ¿está ligado con lo anterior o no?. El oportunismo nos hunde, para salvarnos tenemos que luchar contra el revisionismo; es una lección bien fácil de entender, ¿o no?. Así como la historia del Partido demuestra que abandonar el marxismo nos lleva al hundimiento, también nos dice que cogiendo el marxismo y combatiendo al revisionismo nos desarrollamos, nos volvemos a parar, salimos del fango. Esa es la razón de este problema.

¿Y la Reconstitución, y por qué subrayamos Partido Comunista del Perú?: porque debe quedar bien en claro que el Partido existe: y lo prueba porque ha abierto en la realidad, con las armas en la mano, con una pujante guerra popular, el verdadero y real camino de la revolución democrática para conquistar el Poder. Aquí se está demostrando eso, lo que el Presidente dice cuando analiza la experiencia de Rusia, de la vieja Rusia, del Partido bolchevique y la experiencia de China, del P.C.Ch., confrontándola con India; él dice: “por qué es que en la vieja Rusia zarista hubo revolución?: porque hubo Partido; ¿por qué hubo en China?: porque hubo Partido; ¿por qué no hay en la India habiendo similares condiciones que en China?: porque no hay Partido”. Entonces, éste es otro problema clave, no solamente para nosotros los comunistas, sino para luchar, pues, en este país.

III. DIRECCIÓN DE LA GUERRA POPULAR.

Aquí, tratar tres problemas:

- Inicio y desarrollo de la guerra popular. Ejército guerrillero popular y Nuevo Poder

- Segundo problema: el Partido y la dinámica ideológica actual. Combatir el revisionismo como peligro principal

- Tercer problema: tarea del Partido en la actualidad: dirigir la conquista del Poder en todo el país.

Son tres problemas. Bien, está enhebrado con lo anterior: tenemos Partido. Teniendo Partido, ¿qué hicimos?, iniciamos y desarrollamos la guerra popular, sin Partido no hay inicio ni hay guerra popular; y esa guerra popular, ¿qué nos ha dado?, un ejército guerrillero popular, sino no se hubiera podido desenvolver tal guerra; y nos ha dado algo más, el nuevo Poder, estamos resolviendo el problema central de la revolución, estamos demoliendo el viejo orden y generando las bases de lo que que ha de ser lo nuevo en una brillante perspectiva hacia el porvenir, ése es otro problema. Debe quedar bien claro esto.

El segundo, ¿por qué lo tratamos?, por la lucha de clases se agudiza, hay polarización, en el mundo se intensifica la lucha de clases, hay polarización, hay gran contienda a nivel ideológico, va a desarrollarse, estamos viendo cómo se desenvuelve una ofensiva del revisionismo nuevamente, bien lo haga pues Albania, bien lo haga China como una potencia de corte imperialista, bien lo haga Unión Soviética una potencia o una superpotencia imperialista que contiende por la hegemonía mundial; no solamente ellas, también las potencias imperialistas, todo el imperialismo, toda la reacción mundial apunta contra el marxismo, apunta contra el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo, se pretende que ha caducado.

Todo eso golpea, es lo que llamamos la dinámica ideológica actual y tenemos que afrontarla, y ahí la clave, ¿cuál es?: combatir el revisionismo como peligro principal, en el Partido, en el país, en el mundo, contra quien fuera pues, potencia del décimo orden, nos da lo mismo, que sea el socialimperialismo, nos da lo mismo, sea quien fuere que apunte contra el marxismo. Porque los socios, pues, se coluden y pugnan por la hegemonía mundial, pero se auxilian para aplastar la revolución, soñando.

Entonces, este problema es muy importante. Recuerden lo que hemos dicho de la diferenciación, es necesaria ¿o no?; ¿tiene que ver con la campaña de rectificación?, claro que tiene que ver. Esto nos prepara, nos arma, ¿para qué?, para cumplir con la tarea que toca al Partido; ¿cuál es esa tarea?: nuestro problema, pues, es dirigir la conquista del Poder en todo el país, rematar la revolución democrática e ininterrumpidamente pasar, pues, a la revolución socialista y luego, cuando se den las condiciones, se expresará pues y se dará la gran revolución o la revolución cultural proletaria, la magnitud que tenga pues, vaya a saber uno, y así se enrrumbará.

Entonces, apuntamos a problemas que son armas para combatir. Eso es lo que necesitamos, no simple documento del cual alguien pueda leer, informarse, eso no nos interesa; lo que interesa es armarnos de nuestra propia experiencia, con nuestros propios problemas, sacar nuestras propias lecciones, positivas o negativas, lo que fuere.

Entonces, así es como entendemos este problema de la historia.

Sobre esas cuestiones hemos discutido muchas veces, sí; hay un documento, creo que tiene más de 200 páginas, sobre historia del Partido, así que, sí el Congreso acuerda que se haga de esta manera, de poner otros problemas, será factible tomando ese documento que tiene, reitero, como 200 páginas; pero queremos un documento breve, claro, comprensible, que la masa lo pueda manejar, el proletariado, el pueblo, obviamente los comunistas, ellos primero que nadie. Pensamos en el tipo de militancia que teneos, ¿qué ganamos nosotros con un tipo de mamotreto de 300 páginas o de 500 páginas, qué ganamos?, por lo menos hoy no lo necesitamos; quizás mañana, pues vaya uno a saber, si mañana las condiciones permiten que así sea, así será pues; pero, ¿qué necesitamos hoy? Eso es lo que nos planteamos, ¿qué necesitamos hoy?: que la historia del Partido con sus problemas sea, pues, un arma más de lucha, ésa es la idea, ésa es la idea que nos guía para plantear ese tipo de problemas, pueden ser éstos u otros.

Esto es lo que propone el Buró como Problemas de la Historia del Partido, en forma esquemática; reitero, existe ya el documento, hemos tratado muchas veces, no será mayor problema, pues, extractar de ahí los problemas éstos u otros.

(...)

(El Congreso en pie)

Camaradas: ¡VIVA EL PARTIDO COMUNISTA DEL PERÚ!¡¡VIVA!!

¡VIVA EL PRIMER CONGRESO! ¡¡VIVA!!

¡VIVA LA GUERRA POPULAR! ¡¡VIVA!!

¡GLORIA AL MARXISMO-LENINISMO-MAOISMO! ¡¡GLORIA!!

¡GLORIA AL MARXISMO-LENINISMO-MAOISMO! ¡¡GLORIA!!

¡GLORIA AL MARXISMO-LENINISMO-MAOISMO! ¡¡GLORIA!!

Camaradas: ¡VIVA EL PARTIDO! ¡¡VIVA!!

¡HABIENDO PARTIDO, HABIENDO MASAS, TODOS LOS MILAGROS SE HARÁN!

¡HABIENDO PARTIDO, HABIENDO MASAS, TODOS LOS MILAGROS SE HARÁN!

¡HABIENDO PARTIDO, HABIENDO MASAS, TODOS LOS MILAGROS SE HARÁN!

(Aplausos)

NOTAS:

(*) El 07 de octubre 2020, publicamos parte de este Documento del Primer Congreso del Partido como primera parte de nuestro documento por el 92° aniversario del PCP: ESQUEMA DE LA HISTORIA DEL PARTIDO Y TRES MOMENTOS DE LA HISTORIA DEL PERÚ CONTEMPORÁNEO, en este nuevo aniversario lo publicamos completo y recomendamos ahondar en su comprensión con el estudio de la Línea Militar del Partido.

Nos reafirmamos en que, este documento partidario es arma de combate de comunistas, combatientes y masas para culminar la tarea pendiente de la reorganización general del Partido en y para la guerra popular en lucha a muerte contra el revisionismo, tanto de la LOD revisionista y capitulacionsta estructurada en las prisiones con el apoyo dela CIA yanqui-reacción peruana, como contra la estructurada en el VRAE, ambas enemigas juradas del maoísmo y el pensamiento gonzalo, del Presidente Gonzalo, del PCP, de la BUP y de la guerra popular.

(**) No aparece en la transcripción del documento por lo que se conserva las líneas suspensivas del original.

(***) La fecha y lugar ha sido completado por nosotros en donde solo estaban puntos suspensivos.

LDLP-ECUADOR: “HONOR Y GLORIA ETERNA A LOS COMBATIENTES DE LAS LUMINOSAS TRINCHERAS DE COMBATE!

“HONOR Y GLORIA ETERNA A LOS COMBATIENTES DE LAS LUMINOSAS TRINCHERAS DE COMBATE!

el octubre 04, 2025

El Frente de Defensa de las Luchas del Pueblo del Ecuador, desde las entrañas del levantamiento indígena popular contra las medidas económicas y el gobierno del fascista Daniel Noboa, conmemora un aniversario más de la férrea y heroica resistencia de los camaradas del Partido Comunista del Perú en las Luminosas Trincheras de Combate.

Hace 40 años, bajo el gobierno burocrático de Alan García, las huestes de la reacción atacaron la cárcel de Lurigancho, generando una masacre entre los prisioneros de guerra. “El 4 de octubre de 1985, en la propia capital de la República, en el penal de Lurigancho, 30 prisioneros de guerra son asesinados y 34 heridos de gravedad; se lanzó a los Llapan Atiq, cuerpo antisubversivo de la Guardia Republicana, contra el pabellón Británico, utilizando dinamita para abrir boquetes, para después lanzar dinamitazos dentro del pabellón, bombas lacrimógenas e incendiarias y luego asaltar; a unos los balearon, a otros los quemaron vivos, remataron a heridos para posteriormente quemar los cadáveres con bombas de fósforo para ocultar que habían sido asesinados por balas; apalearon brutalmente a los sobrevivientes para terminar incendiando el pabellón y borrar huellas de su monstruoso crimen. Los cadáveres no fueron entregados a sus familiares; 28 tumbas sin nombre en el cementerio Presbítero Maestro quedan para la historia como expresión del odio genocida de García Pérez contra los prisioneros de guerra”.

Si bien es cierto, fue una masacre, también hubo combate y resistencia de los camaradas, escribiendo, con su roja y siempreviva sangre, una página más de valentía, sacrificio y honor del proletariado y pueblo del Perú al servicio de la Revolución Proletaria Mundial.

Todos esos compañeros caídos en un combate desproporcionado viven en las luchas de la clase y de los pueblos oprimidos del mundo.

¡HONOR Y GLORIA ETERNA A LOS HÉROES DE LA CLASE Y DEL PUEBLO!

¡VIVA EL PCP Y LA GUERRA POPULAR EN EL PERÚ!

 

Comentarios

Horacio5 de octubre de 2025, 15:09

DIERON LA VIDA POR EL PARTIDO Y LA REVOLUCIÓN, INMACULADOS EN LA CIENCIA DEL PROLETARIADO EL MARXISMO LENINISMO MAOÍSMO PENSAMIENTO GONZALO!.


Desde la poderosa trinchera luminosa de combate los bellos hombres de hierro forjados por el poderoso Partido Comunista maoísta Pensamiento Gonzalo del Perú, dieron la vida en medio del trueno de la dinamita, pues se batieron como hombres Comunista maoísta de guerra, no permitiendo al enemigo haga trofeos de guerra con la preciosa sangre de los combatientes rojos. Aquí hay que recordar la película MASADA donde los árabes en la fortaleza Masada fueron acorralados (1000)combatiendo y resistiendo con furia, aniquilando a carniceros soldados y dirigentes del imperio romano, fueron emboscados por la máquina de guerra del imperio para que se rindieran, pero el honor y dignidad de los héroes de Masada decidieron acabar con sus vidas antes que ser esclavos de los romanos. La muerte política de Roma ante el fracaso de matarlos, se extendió como una epidemia y la caída, poco a poco, de Roma, fue un hecho.
En medio de las llamas luminosas del combate la muerte política y física (Alan Garcia) de los perros gobernantes EEUU desplazó armamento bélico para matar a los hombres rojos que tenían entre rejas blindadas con cientos de perros fascistas armados, pues se encontraron con una poderosa fuerza guerrera de hierro, una hoguera de guerra, esa resistencia, poderosa línea de hierro fuego rojo iluminados por el Partido Comunista maoísta, esparcieron fuego bélico con valor colosal enviando el mensaje al proletariado Comunista maoísta, a las nuevas generaciones revolucionarias del mundo.
Un Comunista maoísta Pensamiento Gonzalo jamás se doblega, nunca se rinde, su misión histórica es tomarse el poder junto a millones de masas armadas e iluminadas por el poderoso partido Comunista maoísta militarizado, y destruir el capitalismo, hacerlo pedazos “salvo el poder lo demás es ilusión” Lenin.

La burguesía carnicera fascista peruana EEUU pensó que iba aplastar la revolución Comunista maoísta Pensamiento Gonzalo, se equivocaron como siempre, las salvas de la resistencia nos trajeron mayores convicciones Comunistas, las charcas de sangre de nuestros heroicos preciosos combatiendo caídos en combate, en combate serán vengados y, sobre la sangre del enemigo carnicero impondremos el Comunismo.
La sangre de los combatientes nos nutre, nos fortalece, nos blinda de acero Comunista maoísta haciendo crecer el ODIO DE CLASE, la depravada burguesía carnicera fascista EEUU sus piltrafas carnes volarán, sobre sus cuerpos caerá sin piedad todo el poder bélico de las masas dirigidas por el partido Comunista Maoísta Pensamiento Gonzalo.

500 años de resistencia contra los carniceros europeos que invadieron AMÉRICA INDIA, exterminó la población indígena, robó el continente y exterminó su cultura. Rios de sangre indígena, de sangre obrera, de sangre campesina, de sangre estudiantil, nunca se han rendido continúan combatiendo y resistiendo, no los amilana nada, saben combatir ante el poder bélico fascista EEUU un mar armado de masas los exterminará, se combate en las cordilleras, en las planicies, en los ríos, en el campo y las ciudades SON TIGRES DE PAPEL. Para la resistencia revolucionaria la cobardía muere y la aurora de millones de antorchas guerreras heroicas iluminan el camino de la guerra popular Comunista maoísta Pensamiento Gonzalo camino a tomar el cielo por asalto y sobre las ruinas capitalista nace la primavera con toda la belleza en su esplendor: EL DORADO COMUNISMO.

HONOR Y GLORIA ETERNA A LOS COMBATIENTES DE LAS LUMINOSAS TRINCHERAS DE COMBATE!

¡VIVA EL PCP Y LA GUERRA POPULAR EN EL PERÚ!