Tuesday, October 6, 2026

Peru People’s Movement: Long live the 98th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of Peru!

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

IN COMMEMORATION OF THE 98TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE
COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU

DOCUMENT: PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY

We salute the international proletariat and the peoples of the world, with exultant joy and revolutionary optimism at its peak, on the occasion of the 98th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of Peru (PCP) on October 7, 1928. On this new anniversary of the founding of the Party, the Peru People’s Movement, the organism generated by the Party for international work, once again pays homage to its great founder, José Carlos Mariátegui.

On this new anniversary of the founding of the Party, we are republishing the document PROBLEMS IN THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY, which is part of the Report presented by Chairman Gonzalo to the II Session of the First Congress of the Communist Party of Peru (PCP), Peru, 1988.

LONG LIVE THE 9(TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDING OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU!

Peru People’s Movement

October 2026

Document: PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY (COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU)

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

FIRST CONGRESS OF THE
COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU

(Marxist Congress, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought Congress)

Red Flag Editions

2022

SECOND SESSION

(8/27–9/16/1988)¹

(…)

Document: PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY²

(…)

III. PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY (OUTLINE)

I repeat: Problems of the History of the Party (Outline). Let us remember that we must always bear in mind what Chairman Mao said, that it was not very convenient to write a history of the Party; on the other hand, it was not at all simple because histories are always subject to correction. You might say, but there was a history of the CPC, yes, that of ……,³ but then it was condemned, that history was condemned in the Cultural Revolution; you might say, but the history of the Bolshevik Party, well, the Bolshevik Party has also undergone many changes since then.

Chairman Mao says that there is a model there, a masterpiece, yes, but let’s suppose what Comrade Stalin wrote there about dialectical and historical materialism, is it correct? No, according to the Chairman himself, with his approach to contradiction, no, it clashes, he does not refer to it explicitly, it is a way of conceiving it and the lessons he draws from it. Don’t think, then, that what is there — if you read Volume III, the Chairman says it is a masterpiece, he says we should all study it — don’t think now that what Comrade Stalin discusses there about dialectical and historical materialism is correct. No, it openly clashes with what the Chairman proposes in the contradiction. Why? Comrade Stalin proposes four laws and does not even call them laws, he calls them features. One must understand these things. In short, it is an exceptional work. Would we be in a position to do it? One has to ask oneself that question. No, therefore, it is not feasible, and if we take into account what the Chairman has taught us, it is better to take into account what the Chairman said and see what we can do and what suits us, what we need.

We follow the well-known outline, repeatedly sanctioned by the Party, that there are three stages in our process, remember? Constitution, Reconstitution, and Leadership of the people’s war. That outline has been adopted. Within that framework, we address problems. That is the criterion that has guided us because, I repeat, it has already been approved: Constitution, Reconstitution, and Leadership of the people’s war. Within those three parts of the party process, since it was founded by Mariátegui and his predecessors, we address some problems:

I CONSTITUTION.

We pose the following problems:

- Struggle for the constitution of the Party

We consider this point to be very important. First, our position that Mariátegui founded the Communist Party of Peru must be made clear; we reject the idea that Ravinez founded it because historically this is not the case. It was Mariátegui himself who proposed changing the name of the party to the Communist Party of Peru. That was his proposal, but he died and Mariátegui’s proposal was approved at a party meeting after his death. That is the problem, but the Party was not founded by Ravinez; that is not true.

To make the struggle clear, particularly against Haya de la Torre and his nascent Aprista ideas. I am not referring to the Peruvian Aprista Party, which dates back to 1930 or 1931 — they say they are older than us, but that is not true; the Aprista Party was founded, the Arpa, because that is how it is, it is an alliance, initially it was even Arpa, that was its name: Arpa, it was founded in 1925 in Mexico,⁴ because that’s the way it is, that’s the reality, with five points and that’s it, what else is the famous alliance? The Peruvian Aprista Party was only founded here around 1930. Well, we are only interested in Mariátegui’s struggle against Haya de la Torre’s criteria and positions; even more so now, because not only are they saying that there is a Haya-Mariateguism, even putting Haya ahead, but they are also saying, even at the height of it, Haya-Leninism, and we cannot allow that. In other words, it is a current, burning issue; we want to take up issues that are useful to us, we don’t want a history that we can learn from, we want a weapon of struggle, that’s why we take up issues, that’s the reason.

- Well, a second problem within this first question would be: the role of Mariátegui.

That is another question. It must be made very clear that Mariátegui is the founder of the Party, what Mariátegui has done, what Mariátegui’s role is, especially because Mariátegui is being trafficked, isn’t he? We cannot consent to this, we cannot allow the PUM⁵ that traffics in him. So, it is a problem of the history of Marxism in Peru, of course; beyond that, it is a problem of new ideas in Peru, isn’t it? It is a problem of class in Peru, it is not an unimportant thing, this must be made very clear.

- Another problem: abandoning of the line and opportunism

What do we want to see here? Not only that Mariátegui established his line through struggle, but that his line was abandoned, denied, and where did all that lead? To opportunism. Scandalous examples: the bastardized electioneering of 1939, the frontism of 1945 when they said, “the thesis that elections should be used only as propaganda has expired; the program today is to win seats”, are the exact words of the Party secretary himself, Jorge Acosta. Why do we use this, why do we need this problem, what does abandoning a line imply, where does it lead? Historically, our Party shows that it leads to opportunism, doesn’t it? That’s right. Abandoning Marxism-Leninism and its application here in Peru — because Mariátegui did that, and in a creative way, no one can deny it — abandoning that led to opportunism, led to Browderism, a precursor to contemporary revisionism. So, it’s a good lesson, isn’t it? Of course, our own history teaches us great lessons.

We consider that these three issues can be addressed in the section on the Constitution, the first part.

II Reconstitution.

There we must address two problems:

- the struggle against contemporary revisionism

- the other problem: the reconstitution of the Party. The Communist Party of Peru.

Why do we pose these two problems? It is linked to the above. Abandoning Mariátegui’s just and correct Marxist-Leninist position and its creative application in Peru, abandoning that line led to opportunism and we sank into the mire. To get out of it, we had to wage a struggle against contemporary revisionism. Is this linked to the above or not? Opportunism sinks us; to save ourselves, we have to fight against revisionism. It’s a very easy lesson to understand, isn’t it? Just as the history of the Party shows that abandoning Marxism leads us to ruin, it also tells us that by embracing Marxism and fighting revisionism, we develop, we get back on our feet, we get out of the mire. That is the reason for this problem.

And the Reconstitution, and why do we emphasize Communist Party of Peru? Because it must be made very clear that the Party exists: and it proves this because it has opened up, in reality, with arms in hand, with a vigorous people’s war, the true and real path of democratic revolution to conquer power. This is what the Chairman is demonstrating when he analyzes the experience of Russia, of old Russia, of the Bolshevik Party, and the experience of China, of the CPC, comparing it with India. he says: “Why was there a revolution in old Tsarist Russia? Because there was a Party. Why was there one in China? Because there was a Party. Why is there not one in India, given that conditions are similar to those in China? Because there is no Party”. So this is another key problem, not only for us communists, but also for the struggle in this country.

III. LEADERSHIP OF THE PEOPLE’S WAR.

Here, we will address three issues:

- The initiation and development of the people’s war. The people’s guerrilla army and New Power.

- Second issue: the Party and the current ideological dynamic. Combating revisionism as the main danger.

- Third issue: the Party’s task today: leading the conquest of power in the entire country.

There are three problems. Well, it is linked to the previous one: we have a Party. Having a Party, what did we do? We started and developed the people’s war. Without a Party, there would be no initation and no people’s war. And what has that people’s war given us? A people’s guerrilla army, without which such a war could not have been waged. and it has given us something else, the new Power. We are solving the central problem of the revolution, we are demolishing the old order and laying the foundations for what will be the new in a brilliant perspective toward the future. That is another problem. This must be made very clear.

The second, why do we address it? Because class struggle is intensifying, there is polarization, class struggle is intensifying worldwide, there is polarization, there is great ideological conflict, it will develop, we are seeing how an offensive of revisionism is unfolding once again, whether it be Albania, China as an imperialist power, or the Soviet Union as an imperialist power or superpower contending for world hegemony; not only them, but also the imperialist powers, all of imperialism, all of world reaction is aimed against Marxism, aimed against Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, which is claimed to be obsolete.

All of this is striking, it is what we call the current ideological dynamic and we have to face it, and there lies the key: what is it? To combat revisionism as the main danger, in the Party, in the country, in the world, against whoever it may be, a tenth-rate power, it doesn’t matter to us, whether it is social-imperialism, it doesn’t matter to us, whoever it may be who targets Marxism. Because the partners collude and struggle for world hegemony, but they help each other to crush the revolution, dreaming.

So, this problem is very important. Remember what we said about differentiation: is it necessary or not? Does it have to do with the rectification campaign? Of course it does. This prepares us, arms us, for what? To fulfill the task that falls to the Party. What is that task? Our problem, then, is to lead the conquest of power in the entire country, to complete the democratic revolution and move on, without interruption, to the socialist revolution. Then, when the conditions are right, the great revolution or the proletarian cultural revolution will express itself and take place, whatever magnitude it may have, who knows, and so it will begin.

So, we focus on problems that are weapons to fight with. That is what we need, not just a document that someone can read and learn from; that does not interest us. What interests us is arming ourselves with our own experience, with our own problems, drawing our own lessons, positive or negative, whatever they may be.

So, this is how we understand this problem of the history.

We have discussed these issues many times, yes; there is a document, I think it is over 200 pages long, on the history of the Party, so if the Congress agrees to do it this way, to raise other issues, it will be feasible using that document, which, I repeat, is about 200 pages long; but we want a short, clear, understandable document that the masses can handle, the proletariat, the people, obviously the communists, they first and foremost. We think about the type of militancy we have. What do we gain from a 300- or 500-page tome? What do we gain? At least today we don’t need it. Maybe tomorrow, who knows, if tomorrow conditions allow it to be so, then so be it. But what do we need today? That is what we ask ourselves, what do we need today? We need the history of the Party, with all its problems, to be another weapon in the struggle. That is the idea, that is the idea that guides us in raising these kinds of issues, whether they be these or others.

This is what the Bureau proposes as Problems in the History of the Party, in outline form. I repeat, the document already exists, we have discussed it many times, so it will not be a major problem to extract these or other problems from it.

(…)

(The Congress Stands)

Comrades: LONG LIVE THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU! LONG LIVE!!

LONG LIVE THE FIRST CONGRESS! LONG LIVE!!

LONG LIVE THE PEOPLE’S WAR! LONG LIVE!!

GLORY TO MARXISM-LENINISM-MAOISM! GLORY!!

Comrades: LONG LIVE THE PARTY! LONG LIVE!!

HAVING THE PARTY, HAVING MASSES, ALL MIRACLES WILL BE PERFORMED!

(Applause)

NOTES:

* On October 7, 2020, we published part of this Document from the First Congress of the Party as the first part of our document for the 92nd anniversary of the PCP: OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY AND THREE MOMENTS IN THE HISTORY OF CONTEMPORARY PERU. On this new anniversary, we are publishing it in its entirety and recommend deepening your understanding of it by studying the Military Line of the Party and the document COURSE AND SUMMING-UP OF THE CONSTRUCTION IN THE PARTY. POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE LESSONS from Chairman Gonzalo’s Report to the 2nd Plenary Session of the PCP Central Committee*.

**It does not appear in the transcript of the document, so the ellipsis from the original is retained.

***The date and place have been filled in by us where there were only ellipses.

PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY, accessible at https://redlibrary.info/works/pcp/problems-of-the-history-of-the-party.↩︎

On October 7, 2020, we published part of this Document from the First Congress of the Party as the first part of our document for the 92nd anniversary of the PCP: OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY AND THREE MOMENTS IN THE HISTORY OF CONTEMPORARY PERU. On this new anniversary, we are publishing it in its entirety and recommend deepening your understanding of it by studying the Military Line of the Party.↩︎

Red Library: Originally attached to this statement was PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY, accessible at https://redlibrary.info/works/pcp/problems-of-the-history-of-the-party.↩︎

MPP: ¡VIVA EL 98° ANIVERSARIO DE LA FUNDACIÓN DEL PCP!

¡Proletarios de todos los países, uníos!

EN CONMEMORACIÓN DEL 98° ANIVERSARIO

DEL PARTIDO COMUNISTA DEL PERÚ

DOCUMENTO: PROBLEMAS DE LA HISTORIA DEL PARTIDO

Saludamos al proletariado internacional y a los pueblos del mundo, con exultante alegría y optimismo revolucionario al tope, con ocasión de cumplirse este 07 de octubre el 98° aniversario de la fundación del Partido Comunista del Perú (PCP). En este nuevo aniversario de la fundación del Partido, el Movimiento Popular Perú, el organismo generado por el Partido para el trabajo internacional, rinde una vez más homenaje a su gran fundador José Carlos Mariátegui.

En este nuevo aniversario de la fundación del Partido, publicamos nuevamente el documento: PROBLEMAS DE LA HISTORIA DEL PARTIDO (*), que es parte del Informe presentado por el Presidente Gonzalo a la II Sesión del Primer Congreso del Partido Comunista del Perú (PCP), Perú, 1988.

¡VIVA EL 98° ANIVERSARIO DE LA FUNDACIÓN DEL PARTIDO COMUNISTA DEL PERÚ!

Movimiento Popular Perú

Octubre de 2026

¡Proletarios de todos los países, uníos!

PRIMER CONGRESO DEL PARTIDO COMUNISTA EL PERÚ

(Congreso marxista, Congreso marxista-leninista-maoísta, pensamiento gonzalo)

Ediciones Bandera Roja

2022

SEGUNDA SESIÓN

(27/VIII-16/IX/88)

(...)

Documento: PROBLEMAS DE LA HISTORIA DEL PARTIDO

(...)

III. PROBLEMAS DE LA HISTORIA DEL PARTIDO (ESQUEMA)

Repito: Problemas de la Historia del Partido (Esquema). Pensemos, que hay que tener muy presente siempre lo que el Presidente Mao dijo, que no era muy conveniente hacer una historia del Partido; por otro lado no era nada simple porque las historias siempre están sujetas a ser corregidas. Se me dirá, pero hubo una historia del PCCh, sí, la de ………(**), pero luego fue condenada, en la revolución cultural fue condenada esa historia; se podrá decir, pero la historia del Partido bolchevique, bueno, el Partido bolchevique también ha sufrido muchas modificaciones después.

El Presidente Mao dice que ahí hay un modelo, una obra maestra, sí, pero supongamos lo que c. Stalin escribió ahí sobre el materialismo dialéctico e histórico, ¿es correcto?, no, de acuerdo con el propio Presidente, con su planteamiento de la contradicción, no, choca, él no se refiere expresamente, es una manera de haber concebido y las lecciones que saca; no vayan a pensar, entonces, que lo que está ahí -si ustedes leen el tomo III, el Presidente dice es una obra maestra, así dice que todos debemos estudiar- no vayan a pensar ahora que lo que está ahí tratado por el c. Stalin sobre el materialismo dialéctico e histórico es correcto, no, choca abiertamente con lo que el Presidente plantea en la contradicción, ¿por qué?, c. Stalin plantea cuatro leyes y no le llama siquiera leyes, les llama rasgos, hay que saber entender las cosas. En fin, es una obra excepcional, ¿estaríamos en condiciones de hacer? -uno tiene que preguntarse eso- no, por tanto, no cabe y si tenemos en cuenta lo que el Presidente ha enseñado, es mejor tener en cuenta lo que el Presidente dijo y ver qué es lo que podemos hacer y qué nos conviene, qué necesitamos.

Seguimos el esquema conocido ya, varias veces sancionado por el Partido, sobre que tenemos tres momentos en nuestro proceso, ¿recuerdan?: el de la Constitución, Reconstitución y Dirección de la guerra popular, ese esquema ha sido tomado. Dentro de ése es que cogemos problemas, ése es el criterio que nos ha guiado porque eso, reitero, ya está sancionado: Constitución, Reconstitución, Dirección de la guerra popular. Dentro de esas tres partes del proceso partidario, desde que fue fundado por Mariátegui y sus antecedentes, cogemos algunos problemas:

I CONSTITUCIÓN.

Nos planteamos los siguientes problemas:

- lucha por la constitución del Partido

Consideramos que este punto es muy importante. Primero, debe quedar clara nuestra posición sobre que Mariátegui fundó el Partido Comunista del Perú; nosotros rechazamos que lo haya fundado Ravinez porque históricamente no es así, fue el propio Mariátegui quien planteó el cambio de nombre al Partido y que se llamara Partido Comunista del Perú, ésa fue su propuesta, sólo que él falleció y la propuesta de Mariátegui fue sancionada en una reunión partidaria posterior a la muerte, ése es el problema, pero no ha sido fundado el Partido por Ravinez, eso no es cierto.

Para dejar bien clara la lucha, particularmente librada contra Haya de la Torre y sus ideas de aprismo nacientes. No digo del Partido Aprista Peruano que es del año 30 o 31 -ellos dicen que son más antiguos que nosotros, no es cierto; el Apra fue fundada, la Arpa, porque así es, es alianza, inicialmente era Arpa incluso, así se llamaba: Arpa, ésa fue fundada en 1925 en México (***), porque sí no más, ésa es la realidad, con 5 puntos y se acabó, ¿qué más es la famosa alianza?- el Partido (Aprista Peruano) aquí fue fundado recién allá por el 30. Bueno, sólo nos interesa la lucha de Mariátegui contra los criterios y posiciones de Haya de la Torre; más ahora, porque se está no solamente diciendo que hay un haya-mariateguismo, poniendo incluso por delante a Haya, sino que se dice, incluso ya en el colmo, haya-leninismo, eso no lo podemos permitir. O sea, es un problema actual, candente; lo que queremos tomar son problemas que nos sirvan, no queremos una historia en la cual nos informemos, queremos un arma de lucha, por eso es que cogemos problemas, ésa es la razón.

- Bien, un segundo problema dentro de esta primera cuestión sería: el papel de Mariátegui.

Esa es otra cuestión. Debe quedar bien en claro que Mariátegui es el fundador del Partido, qué es lo que ha hecho Mariátegui, cuál es el papel de Mariátegui, máxime porque se trafica con Mariátegui, ¿o no?, no podemos tampoco consentir, no podemos permitir, pues, que haya un PUM que trafique. Entonces, es un problema de la historia del marxismo en el Perú, claro; más allá, es un problema de las ideas nuevas en el Perú, ¿o no?, es un problema de la clase en el Perú, no es una cosa sin importancia, esto debe quedar bien claro.

- Otro problema: abandono de la línea y oportunismo

¿Qué queremos ver acá? No sólo que la línea que Mariátegui estableció lo hizo en lucha, sino que su línea fue abandonada, fue negada y, ¿a dónde llevó todo eso?: el oportunismo. Muestras escandalosas: el electorerismo bastardo del año 39, el frentismo del año 45 cuando decían “ha caducado la tesis que las elecciones deben ser usadas sólo como propaganda, el programa hoy es ganar curules”, son palabras textuales del propio secretario del Partido, Jorge Acosta. ¿Por qué usamos esto, por qué necesitamos este problema, qué implica pues abandonar una línea, a dónde lleva?: históricamente nuestro Partido demuestra que lleva al oportunismo, ¿o no?, eso es. El abandonar el marxismo-leninismo y su aplicación aquí en el Perú -porque hizo eso Mariátegui y en forma creadora, nadie lo puede negar-, el abandonar eso llevó al oportunismo, llevó al browderismo, un antecedente del revisionismo contemporáneo. Entonces, es buena lección, ¿o no?, claro pues, nuestra propia historia nos da grandes lecciones.

Esos tres problemas consideramos que podemos tratar en el punto referente a Constitución, la primera parte.

II Reconstitución.

Ahí debemos tratar dos problemas:

- la lucha contra el revisionismo contemporáneo

- el otro problema: la reconstitución del Partido. El Partido Comunista del Perú.

¿Por qué planteamos esos dos problemas?: está ligado a lo anterior. El abandonar la posición justa y correcta, marxista-leninista de Mariátegui y su aplicación creadora en el Perú, el abandonar esa línea llevó al oportunismo y nos hundimos en el fango, para salir de él tuvimos que librar una lucha contra el revisionismo contemporáneo, ¿está ligado con lo anterior o no?. El oportunismo nos hunde, para salvarnos tenemos que luchar contra el revisionismo; es una lección bien fácil de entender, ¿o no?. Así como la historia del Partido demuestra que abandonar el marxismo nos lleva al hundimiento, también nos dice que cogiendo el marxismo y combatiendo al revisionismo nos desarrollamos, nos volvemos a parar, salimos del fango. Esa es la razón de este problema.

¿Y la Reconstitución, y por qué subrayamos Partido Comunista del Perú?: porque debe quedar bien en claro que el Partido existe: y lo prueba porque ha abierto en la realidad, con las armas en la mano, con una pujante guerra popular, el verdadero y real camino de la revolución democrática para conquistar el Poder. Aquí se está demostrando eso, lo que el Presidente dice cuando analiza la experiencia de Rusia, de la vieja Rusia, del Partido bolchevique y la experiencia de China, del P.C.Ch., confrontándola con India; él dice: “por qué es que en la vieja Rusia zarista hubo revolución?: porque hubo Partido; ¿por qué hubo en China?: porque hubo Partido; ¿por qué no hay en la India habiendo similares condiciones que en China?: porque no hay Partido”. Entonces, éste es otro problema clave, no solamente para nosotros los comunistas, sino para luchar, pues, en este país.

III. DIRECCIÓN DE LA GUERRA POPULAR.

Aquí, tratar tres problemas:

- Inicio y desarrollo de la guerra popular. Ejército guerrillero popular y Nuevo Poder

- Segundo problema: el Partido y la dinámica ideológica actual. Combatir el revisionismo como peligro principal

- Tercer problema: tarea del Partido en la actualidad: dirigir la conquista del Poder en todo el país.

Son tres problemas. Bien, está enhebrado con lo anterior: tenemos Partido. Teniendo Partido, ¿qué hicimos?, iniciamos y desarrollamos la guerra popular, sin Partido no hay inicio ni hay guerra popular; y esa guerra popular, ¿qué nos ha dado?, un ejército guerrillero popular, sino no se hubiera podido desenvolver tal guerra; y nos ha dado algo más, el nuevo Poder, estamos resolviendo el problema central de la revolución, estamos demoliendo el viejo orden y generando las bases de lo que que ha de ser lo nuevo en una brillante perspectiva hacia el porvenir, ése es otro problema. Debe quedar bien claro esto.

El segundo, ¿por qué lo tratamos?, por la lucha de clases se agudiza, hay polarización, en el mundo se intensifica la lucha de clases, hay polarización, hay gran contienda a nivel ideológico, va a desarrollarse, estamos viendo cómo se desenvuelve una ofensiva del revisionismo nuevamente, bien lo haga pues Albania, bien lo haga China como una potencia de corte imperialista, bien lo haga Unión Soviética una potencia o una superpotencia imperialista que contiende por la hegemonía mundial; no solamente ellas, también las potencias imperialistas, todo el imperialismo, toda la reacción mundial apunta contra el marxismo, apunta contra el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo, se pretende que ha caducado.

Todo eso golpea, es lo que llamamos la dinámica ideológica actual y tenemos que afrontarla, y ahí la clave, ¿cuál es?: combatir el revisionismo como peligro principal, en el Partido, en el país, en el mundo, contra quien fuera pues, potencia del décimo orden, nos da lo mismo, que sea el socialimperialismo, nos da lo mismo, sea quien fuere que apunte contra el marxismo. Porque los socios, pues, se coluden y pugnan por la hegemonía mundial, pero se auxilian para aplastar la revolución, soñando.

Entonces, este problema es muy importante. Recuerden lo que hemos dicho de la diferenciación, es necesaria ¿o no?; ¿tiene que ver con la campaña de rectificación?, claro que tiene que ver. Esto nos prepara, nos arma, ¿para qué?, para cumplir con la tarea que toca al Partido; ¿cuál es esa tarea?: nuestro problema, pues, es dirigir la conquista del Poder en todo el país, rematar la revolución democrática e ininterrumpidamente pasar, pues, a la revolución socialista y luego, cuando se den las condiciones, se expresará pues y se dará la gran revolución o la revolución cultural proletaria, la magnitud que tenga pues, vaya a saber uno, y así se enrrumbará.

Entonces, apuntamos a problemas que son armas para combatir. Eso es lo que necesitamos, no simple documento del cual alguien pueda leer, informarse, eso no nos interesa; lo que interesa es armarnos de nuestra propia experiencia, con nuestros propios problemas, sacar nuestras propias lecciones, positivas o negativas, lo que fuere.

Entonces, así es como entendemos este problema de la historia.

Sobre esas cuestiones hemos discutido muchas veces, sí; hay un documento, creo que tiene más de 200 páginas, sobre historia del Partido, así que, sí el Congreso acuerda que se haga de esta manera, de poner otros problemas, será factible tomando ese documento que tiene, reitero, como 200 páginas; pero queremos un documento breve, claro, comprensible, que la masa lo pueda manejar, el proletariado, el pueblo, obviamente los comunistas, ellos primero que nadie. Pensamos en el tipo de militancia que teneos, ¿qué ganamos nosotros con un tipo de mamotreto de 300 páginas o de 500 páginas, qué ganamos?, por lo menos hoy no lo necesitamos; quizás mañana, pues vaya uno a saber, si mañana las condiciones permiten que así sea, así será pues; pero, ¿qué necesitamos hoy? Eso es lo que nos planteamos, ¿qué necesitamos hoy?: que la historia del Partido con sus problemas sea, pues, un arma más de lucha, ésa es la idea, ésa es la idea que nos guía para plantear ese tipo de problemas, pueden ser éstos u otros.

Esto es lo que propone el Buró como Problemas de la Historia del Partido, en forma esquemática; reitero, existe ya el documento, hemos tratado muchas veces, no será mayor problema, pues, extractar de ahí los problemas éstos u otros.

(...)

(El Congreso en pie)

Camaradas: ¡VIVA EL PARTIDO COMUNISTA DEL PERÚ!¡¡VIVA!!

¡VIVA EL PRIMER CONGRESO! ¡¡VIVA!!

¡VIVA LA GUERRA POPULAR! ¡¡VIVA!!

¡GLORIA AL MARXISMO-LENINISMO-MAOISMO! ¡¡GLORIA!!

Camaradas: ¡VIVA EL PARTIDO! ¡¡VIVA!!

¡HABIENDO PARTIDO, HABIENDO MASAS, TODOS LOS MILAGROS SE HARÁN!

(Aplausos)

NOTAS:

(*) El 07 de octubre 2020, publicamos parte de este Documento del Primer Congreso del Partido como primera parte de nuestro documento por el 92° aniversario del PCP: ESQUEMA DE LA HISTORIA DEL PARTIDO Y TRES MOMENTOS DE LA HISTORIA DEL PERÚ CONTEMPORÁNEO, en este nuevo aniversario lo publicamos completo y recomendamos ahondar en su comprensión con el estudio de la Línea Militar del Partido del I Congreso y el documento DERROTERO Y BALANCE DE LA CONSTRUCCIÓN EN EL PARTIDO. LECCIONES POSITIVAS Y NEGATIVAS DEL INFORME DEL PRESIDENTE GONZALO al II Pleno del CC del PCP.

Nos reafirmamos en que, este documento partidario es arma de combate de comunistas, combatientes y masas para culminar la tarea pendiente de la reorganización general del Partido en y para la guerra popular en lucha a muerte contra el revisionismo, tanto de la LOD revisionista y capitulacionsta estructurada en las prisiones con el apoyo dela CIA yanqui-reacción peruana, como contra la estructurada en el VRAE, ambas enemigas juradas del maoísmo y el pensamiento gonzalo, del Presidente Gonzalo, del PCP, de la BUP y de la guerra popular.

(**) No aparece en la transcripción del documento por lo que se conserva las líneas suspensivas del original.

(***) La fecha y lugar ha sido completado por nosotros en donde solo estaban puntos suspensivos.

Servir al Pueblo Espana: Semana de solidaridad con la Guerra Popular en la India

Equipo editorial de Servir al Pueblo

Como informamos previamente, la Liga Antiimperialista Internacional (AIL) convocó una semana de solidaridad con la Guerra Popular en la India. Vamos a compartir un breve informe sobre algunas acciones que se han hecho durante la semana del 27 de septiembre al 4 de octubre en las ciudades de Madrid y València. Si conoces más acciones, puedes enviarlas a nuestro correo electrónico (serviralpueblo@protonmail.com) y las publicaremos.

Liga Antiimperialista convoca semana internacional de apoyo a la Guerra Popular en la India

Equipo editorial de Servir al Pueblo La Liga Antiimperialista Internacional (AIL, por sus siglas en inglés) ha publicado un comunicado solidario con el pueblo indio en su página web. El comunicado, titulado “¡Fortalecer la solidaridad internacional revolucionaria con el pueblo de India!” y con el subtítulo “¡Viva la Guerra Popular en la India!”, llaman a … Sigue leyendo Liga Antiimperialista convoca semana internacional de apoyo a la Guerra Popular en la India

Madrid

Durante la acampada de Sol, activistas del Comité Revolucionario de Madrid montaron una mesa con propaganda. En ella había ejemplares de nuestro periódico Servir al Pueblo y también panfletos sobre la Guerra Popular, sobre el camarada Basavaraj y un panfleto de la sección española de la AIL relacionando el genocidio en Palestina y en la India, como dos luchas que deben unirse.

Fuente: corresponsal local

También se realizaron agitaciones en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, donde se repartieron panfletos, se pusieron carteles y se conversó con los estudiantes sobre la represión en la India y la resistencia del pueblo y la Guerra Popular.

El domingo 4 de octubre tuvo lugar una manifestación por Palestina en las que participaron miles de personas. Durante la manifestación se gritaron consignas como: “¡La lucha armada, está justificada!”, “¡Las tierras robadas, serán recuperadas!” o “¡Intifada!”. En la manifestación participó la sección española de la Liga Antiimperialista y repartió panfletos.

València

Se realizaron agitaciones durante la semana en las zonas universitarias:

[València] Agitaciones de apoyo a la Guerra Popular en la India

Compartimos estas imágenes que han llegado a nuestro correo electrónico. Se trata de carteles de la semana solidaria con la Guerra Popular en la India.

[València] Comité Revolucionario organiza charla sobre la Guerra Popular en la India

Corresponsal en València El Comité Revolucionari de València ha publicado, a través de sus redes sociales, que el domingo 4 de octubre tendrá lugar una charla abierta al público sobre la Guerra Popular en la India. Se celebrará a las 18:00h en el COiP de l’Olivereta (C/ Olimpia Arozena Torres, 42, València). Dejamos el cartel … Sigue leyendo [València] Comité Revolucionario organiza charla sobre la Guerra Popular en la India

DAZIBAO ROJO: INDIA:demonstration in many cities against police violence against women and patriarchy - info ICSPWI

INDIA:demonstration in many cities against police violence against women and patriarchy - info ICSPWI

, on October 1, 2026, BHU students organized a protest march from VT to the MMV intersection, supported by the Varanasi unit of the Bhagat Singh Students Morcha. A large number of BHU students—particularly female students—rose up against the patriarchy.
The rising crimes against women in the country demonstrate that the parliamentary party in power exploits this issue merely to win elections, while its actual agenda is to loot and exploit the public for the next five years. If we look at any parliamentary party, their ranks are filled with leaders who are often rapists themselves—individuals who enjoy state protection. It is a consequence of rising Brahminical Hindutva fascism that administrations at BHU and other universities encourage BJP-RSS-affiliated goon squads to attack students. These very gangs of thugs and hooligans roam openly with impunity after harassing or raping women. We can cite the recent example of Swatantra Bhardwaj, or look at figures like Brij Bhushan, Prajwal Revanna, Asaram, and Ram Rahim—along with various other religious gurus and politicians—who are openly shielded by the ruling establishment.
Pre-emptive measures were taken to prevent female students from joining today's march, yet, recognizing their own strength, they turned out in large numbers. The BHU campus is not safe for women; here, when female students raise their voices, male security personnel drag them, beat them with lathis, and subject them to moral policing. The university administration itself shields these perpetrators; complaints against them yield no action, and instead, students face harassment through disciplinary committees. The goons and hooligans present here are protected, as are professors who harbor anti-women attitudes. The patriarchy present in society is a product of the system of economic inequality. Therefore, patriarchy cannot be eradicated from society without economic equality.
The Bhagat Singh Students' Morcha appeals to all students, workers, professors, and intellectuals to unite and intensify the struggle against the rising tide of Brahminical Hindutva fascism; this is the path to women's liberation.
There is no women's liberation without revolution, and no revolution without women's liberation.
Smash patriarchy!
Smash Manuvad!
Smash Brahminism!
Smash feudalism!
Smash imperialism!
Long live the revolution!

sábado, 3 de octubre de 2026

ITALIA:International Day of Solidarity and Struggle in 9 cities – A report

BlogThe International Day of Solidarity and Struggle launched by the International Committee to Support the People's War in India (ICSPWI) on September 26th took place across nine Italian cities—from North to South—engaging various sectors currently in struggle.

This day is part of a sustained international campaign launched in March 2025 that is reaching many countries across all continents. It comes at a critical juncture: while Modi’s fascist Hindutva regime claims that the people's war led by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) has been militarily defeated through the genocidal "Operation Kagaar," dozens of protests have erupted across the Indian federation against Operation Kagaar itself and the brutal massacres of Adivasi populations. These protests also oppose the unlawful killings of comrades and guerrillas—murdered in staged encounters—and the detention of Maoist comrades as well as democratic and progressive activists who speak out against these actions.
Furthermore, mass protest movements against Modi’s Hindutva regime are developing in India; most notably, the massive student movement that dubbed itself the "Cockroaches" succeeded in forcing the resignation of the Minister of Education.
Following this victory, we are witnessing further struggles in the education sector led by revolutionary student collectives—such as the Revolutionary Students' Front (RSF) and the Bhagat Singh Student Morcha—which link student issues (such as police repression on university campuses, interference by Hindu extremist groups directly linked to the Prime Minister, and general corruption) to revolutionary battles. Among these is the crucial fight against the death penalty facing the so-called "Janagha 10"—ten comrades of the CPI (Maoist).

Indian organisations such as FACAM and CASR are on the forefront i the battle against tha state repression.

Last month, the Modi regime declared that the "war" is now shifting from the forests to the cities, targeting those he termed "Urban Naxals"—that is, Naxalite (Maoist) intellectuals.
This label encompasses all activists—not only revolutionaries but also democrats and progressives—who dare to denounce and challenge Modi’s current Hindutva regime. This regime is rapidly driving the "Hindutvisation" of Indian society, crushing existing national liberation movements, other religious faiths, and anyone who dissents.
Externally, the Hindutva regime is cementing its ideological and strategic alliance with the quintessential genocidal regime—the Zionist one—and acting as a bulwark for Yankee imperialism to contain Chinese expansion in South Asia. At the same time, it colludes with the other imperialist camp represented by Russia and with Chinese social-imperialism itself—through the BRICS economic alliance—to advance its domestic "development" plan: transitioning from a dependent (bureaucratic-comprador) capitalism to a fully realized (imperialist) one.

All of this—and more—has been brought to public squares and workplaces across Italy, where the campaign has unfolded. Furthermore, the latest document from the CPI (M) – North Committee, titled "Celebrate the 22nd anniversary of the party’s formation everywhere with revolutionary zeal and enthusiasm!", was distributed during these initiatives.

A report follows:

In Palermo, Sicily’s main city, a protest sit-in took place on a major street in the historic center—home to the Law Faculty and an area heavily frequented by immigrants in general, and by South Asians (Bangladeshis, Tamils, and Sinhalese) in particular. Many people—including immigrants, locals, and tourists—stopped to listen to speeches denouncing the Hindutva regime and the thread linking it to the Israeli "Nazizionist" regime; hundreds of leaflets were distributed. It was asserted that the best form of internationalist support for the Indian people—as well as the Palestinian people—is to wage an all-out struggle against the Meloni government here in this country in order to oust it.
It was further emphasized that "the political opposition movement in Italy generally underestimates or takes no interest in India and the events unfolding there. This is unfortunate, because simply by looking at the political and economic ties between the Meloni government and Modi’s Indian government—along with the latter's close alliance with Israeli 'Nazizionism' against Palestine and the Palestinian people's resistance—offering internationalist support for the Indian people's struggle and their revolutionary people's war should seem almost natural."

In Milan—the country's "economic capital" and the regional capital of Lombardy—an information meeting was organized, followed by participation in a demonstration attended by housing rights collectives, the Palestine solidarity movement, and activists from various organizations and youth movements. During the demonstration, posters were put up, and a speech was delivered to inform the

Regarding the international day of support for Indian political prisoners, participants denounced the repression and the ties between Modi, Meloni, and Netanyahu—specifically the implementation of trade agreements between Italy and India involving the development of the IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), as well as military cooperation agreements. Hundreds of leaflets were distributed.

In Bergamo, Lombardy, activities for the international day focused primarily on the working class—particularly Indian workers—and the Palestine solidarity movement; actions included outreach, the posting of materials, and leaflet distribution outside factories, alongside the organization of a public meeting. Additionally, during a sit-in organized by the Palestine solidarity movement, an exhibition featuring images and posters was held, and a speech was delivered reiterating the points made in the introduction of this report and during the events in Palermo and Milan.In Taranto, Puglia—an industrial city home to Italy's largest steelworks (formerly ArcelorMittal) and a major Italian and NATO military and port hub—the day’s activities engaged both the movement fighting against the city's militarization and the areas where South Asian immigrants, including Indians, reside.

In Bari, the capital of the Puglia region, the ICSPWI took part in a demonstration organized by the Palestine solidarity movement calling for the closure of the Zionist regime's honorary consulate in the city.

In Ravenna, Emilia-Romagna, a representative of the ICSPWI addressed a major meeting of dockworkers, pro-Palestine solidarity activists, intellectuals, and researchers regarding the IMEC corridor. The speaker reiterated points previously made in this report, specifically highlighting the strategic partnership trade agreements—particularly as they concern Ravenna, which joined this corridor in March.
Commercial ports—and, in Ravenna’s case, a military port (as evidenced by the customs authorities' refusal to disclose the volume of arms being loaded, unloaded, or in transit, in violation of Law 185/90 and Article 11 of the Constitution)—signify profits and the strengthening of government foreign policy. In Modi’s case, this means the genocide of Adivasi populations, violent attacks on minorities, massacres, and repression against his own people and the people's war led by the Communist Party of India (Maoist). The latter has been hit hard, and repression continues with arrests at universities, driven by Modi’s obsession with the Maoist ideology—the "Naxal" movement—upheld by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) in continuity with the great Naxalbari uprising.
Our government is complicit, and Ravenna is complicit; there is economic collaboration and a shared fascist ideology between the governments.
Workers and attendees were invited to participate in the international day of action and the ongoing international campaign. Leaflets were distributed to those present, and campaign posters were displayed in the hall.

In Bologna—the capital of the Emilia-Romagna region and a major university hub—posters announcing the international day of action were put up.

In Rome, the ICSPWI took part in a major demonstration against the criminalization—by Yankee imperialism and the Trump administration—of the *Autistici/Inventati* collective, which had been placed on the list of terrorist organizations; the group distributed leaflets and put up posters for the event.

Finally, in L'Aquila (in the Abruzzo region of central Italy), an information point was set up at the university.

italian version

Red Library: MPP in-commemoration-of-the-77th-anniversary-of-the-chinese-revolution.

https://redlibrary.info/works/ppm/in-commemoration-of-the-77th-anniversary-of-the-chinese-revolution.html

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

Only through storms is the world changed¹

May the Chinese Revolution serve us as a powerful spur to fulfill the Party’s tasks in the place that falls to us!

IN COMMEMORATION OF THE 77TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE CHINESE REVOLUTION, we publish after these introductory lines, the document of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru, from the Chairman Gonzalo’s Intervention at a meeting of leaders and cadres on the occasion of the 40th Anniversary of the Chinese Revolution, held on September 30, 1989.²

In this intervention, Chairman Gonzalo emphasizes what the Chinese Revolution contains and the role of Chairman Mao. He tells us, that the Chinese Revolution calls us to reflect on the democratic revolution, the socialist revolution, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, and restoration and counter-restoration which, in essence, is the permanent revolution, as Marx said, the tumultuous march of the class to enter communism passing through the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Today more than ever uphold that communism is the future reality toward which we march uncontainably; it is the necessary march toward our final goal but we have to pass through very hard stages and processes and each stage contains new, more difficult problems, but we communists have the necessary strength to overcome them starting from having the most powerful ideology. We reaffirm ourselves, then, in that this is the necessary goal of the communists which the class, the proletariat, has to reach however many difficulties it has to pass through. The problems we see today, restoration in China and the USSR, do not negate that goal, they do nothing but show the long and complex process of the march to communism. Today when the supposed obsolescence of communism is proclaimed let us take up, then, the Chinese Revolution and may our Party, as part of the world revolution, serve the goal: communism.

Chairman Gonzalo calls us to reaffirm ourselves in the great slogan of 1979: Uphold, defend, and apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism! (readjusted, then, at that time we said Mao Tsetung Thought); more so today when they seek to negate it, Vain dreams! Maoism is the new and the new has never been easily accepted; it has been imposed, in hard contest, by the leadership of the proletariat in the revolution under the communist parties. And he underlines, that Without Maoism there would be no people’s war and more, this people’s war would not be a burning flame that imposes itself against wind and tide.

Maoism has transcendence for the international proletariat and the peoples of the world, consequently the task of striving to place it as command and guide of the world revolution continues to be valid, it imposes itself as a necessity. Let us think of the immense power that Maoism contains, of all the might with which it is capable of arming the proletariat and the people. Chairman Mao said in difficult times to think of our all-powerful ideology, we have Maoism; with reason it was said that the proletariat had the most powerful atomic bomb: Mao Tsetung Thought, then.

Only through storms is the world changed, Chairman Mao said. May the Chinese Revolution serve us as a powerful spur to fulfill the Party’s tasks in the place that falls to us!

PERU PEOPLE’S MOVEMENT
October 2026

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

IN COMMEMORATION OF THE 40TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE CHINESE REVOLUTION

Questions to reflect on and strive to fulfill more as communists

I. THE CHINESE REVOLUTION

It is evident that it has been a transcendental revolution in humanity for various reasons: one of them because of the immense mass it has mobilized, 400 million at the beginning and in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution 800 million; a zone of great conflicts at the world level, extensive and grounded in long struggles of the people, of the peasantry, peasant struggles of long standing, and wars such as the Opium War of 1840, for example. In the Cultural Revolution a summing-up of the long process was made, it was said China has been marked by various struggles that were waged through arms. Upon this come the Communist Party of China (CPC) and Chairman Mao, third luminary of Marxism, the highest summit. All this has given very special conditions to China and what has occurred there has shaken the world.

Think of the democratic revolution; think of its essence as revolution, as the overthrow of one class by another, which is done with people’s war, with violence, think of this universal law, more so today when they want to consider it superseded. The democratic revolution in China is a paradigm, a prototype of revolution that goes against imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism. The democratic revolution leads inevitably to the second revolution, thus the Chinese Revolution not only leads us to think of the democratic revolution but of its uninterrupted continuation as socialist revolution; thus without the democratic revolution the socialist revolution is not feasible in a country like ours. Chairman Mao teaches us that the socialist revolution is the continuation of the democratic revolution; and still more that, as cultural revolution, it is the continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat sustained on a people’s army capable of defending the New State based on immense masses; he has made us see with great clarity that the construction of socialism is posed to the revolution, that its construction is extremely complex and demands a long time; still more, Chairman Mao told us that even we communists had not achieved a thorough and complete comprehension of the laws of socialism and that this required a long time. He told us that it implies sharp and violent class struggle, that there are two roads that confront one another: the capitalist road and the socialist road and, that it is not settled who will defeat whom; it is clear that he never doubted that socialism would win in perspective, what he made us see was the sharp class struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat, in the concrete.

He taught us that socialism demands supporting oneself on immense masses: peasantry, proletariat, people, to generate new modalities, to avoid repeating the old capitalist roads, demolished by the revolution and which would throw the socialist road off course; more, that socialism would have to generate new forms. He left well established that class struggle continues and very sharply, that the center of the contest is for the dictatorship of the proletariat supported on immense masses. But furthermore, the Chinese Revolution has demonstrated the necessity of the Cultural Revolution, that the revolution demanded determined struggle but that it was necessary in order to continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. Obviously, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is an epic song of the revolution in the world, a milestone of victory for the communists and revolutionaries in the world, it is an indelible fact. Although it has to be a process we have to confront, that revolution has left us great lessons that we already apply as, by way of example, the question of changing ideology as fundamental for the class to seize Power, today generate an ideological leap to conquer Power.

Apart from these two questions the Chinese Revolution has shown us how the revolution takes place within a process of restoration and counter-restoration (a contradiction with two aspects). No class seizes Power just once⁠—restoration presents itself. Therefore, one must strive determinedly to counter-restore, until, finally the class settles in Power definitively. On this road the proletariat has already passed through the greater stretch.

Thus, the Chinese Revolution calls us to reflect on the democratic revolution, the socialist revolution, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, and restoration and counter-restoration which, in essence, is the permanent revolution, as Marx said, the tumultuous march of the class to enter communism passing through the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Thus, we have seen what the Chinese Revolution contains and the role of Chairman Mao.

II. MAOISM

It is the decisive question, Chairman Mao teaches that the ideological-political decides everything, and our ideology is but one: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism. It is not the moment nor is there reason to make an outline of Marxism; we are interested in seeing that the ideology of the proletariat as a grand reality unfolds through leaps and by stages. It has had a first stage Marxism, a second Leninism, and a third the greatest and highest expression: Maoism. Thus, we find as communists that Marxism is an uncontainable, living, vigorous force, in full development; many fools have declared it dead, but Marxism was afterward more highly developed giving a severe refutation to that verbiage; already in Marx’s time the same was said, similarly in Lenin’s and today the same; it cannot surprise us, then, that falsifiers now come forth, supposed buriers of Marxism. And Maoism is attacked, craftily, sinisterly, because it is the highest conception of humanity. However, precisely, when we rise to higher stages of the ideology of the communist parties it is attacked, negated, and declared obsolete; but all that clamor of the supposed obsolescence of Marxism is but, and this is very important, the prologue to a new development of Marxism, thus it was with Marx and with Lenin. Maoism is the highest scientific ideology, consequently the highest transforming reality; issued from matter, material expression, because spirit is but a form of matter. We have received, then, the highest ideology of humanity: Maoism.

We must reaffirm ourselves in the great slogan of 1979: Uphold, defend, and apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism! (readjusted, then, at that time we said Mao Tsetung Thought); more so today when they seek to negate it, Vain dreams! Maoism is the new and the new has never been easily accepted; it has been imposed, in hard contest, by the leadership of the proletariat in the revolution under the communist parties. For Lenin Marxism is the tree of life and idealism is but a parasite; thus, today the idealism they spread is but a putrefied parasite, on the other hand Maoism is the living tree of life. We are convinced of the greatness of Maoism; we, how much we owe it, we would not even be here together; without Maoism there would be no people’s war, and more, this people’s war would not be a burning flame that imposes itself against wind and tide.

Thus, let us reaffirm ourselves in Maoism as the most glorious summit.

III. NEW REVISIONIST COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY OFFENSIVE THAT AT THE WORLD LEVEL GORBACHOV AND TENG³ CARRY FORWARD

It is clear that they carry it out in collusion with the blackest world reaction, imperialism, because both converge.

Each day what that new offensive contains becomes clearer; everything sinister and perverse in Gorbachov and Teng. The most elementary questions are negated; thus, the Chinese revisionists, Teng’s henchmen, pose that capitalism has moments: embryonic, primary, secondary, and higher, four moments and that from World War II capitalism would have reached its higher stage; they negate Lenin’s central theses on imperialism, still more they say that capitalism is far from its obsolescence, that it has sufficient strength to resolve its problems. Writers in the international press sustain that the world capitalist system, the American one, is demonstrating the falsity of Marx’s theses, that Marx in essence was mistaken regarding the fact that in capitalism overproduction generates crises, that today those crises are manageable, that they do not demonstrate the obsolescence of the system but in turn they say that nobody could negate that crises are generated by an overproduction that could occur; as can be seen they contradict themselves, but what interests us is how the Chinese revisionists and the imperialists collude in negating Marxism.

On the role of the Church. An entrepreneur of the big bourgeoisie, tied to imperialism, mainly Yankee imperialism, says that the Peruvian economic process leads necessarily to a very explosive moment and that, because of this, they already apply, together with the Catholic Church, plans to contain that explosiveness; precisely Community in Action administered by Cáritas is part of these plans to rein in the revolution and traffic in the hunger of the masses. In China today they say one must see the new role of the Church, that in socialism it cannot be said that religion is the opium of the peoples; this is open negation of Marx, with the tale that it had already been said that way before, but it was before Marxism gave a scientific explanation of the role of religion. And we also see in this how revisionism coincides with reaction. For us the role of the Church is clear, we have posed it before differentiating the class interests of the hierarchy and the religiosity of the people; furthermore nobody forgets the Pope’s furious injunction: “lay down your attitude” while he blessed the reactionary armed forces;⁴ the Pope goes where there are problems and fulfills a counter-revolutionary role, Poland is another example.

Thus, revisionism is showing specific forms in its negation of Marxism, negation that contains its own death and disintegration.

The Party posed that the moment would arrive for the great battle for the defense of Marxism on all planes; that moment has arrived, the moment to defend Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism. The question demands studying revisionism thoroughly, as the enemy is studied, because we are in a war to the death with it; study it, disembowel it, demonstrate its monstrosity before the entire world. Aim to make precise how Marxism is questioned, negated from revisionism, imperialism, and world reaction in collusion.

On the economic plane they sustain that capitalism has found the solution to its problems and, consequently, does not march toward its collapse; they want to make the peoples of the Earth, the proletariat, accept that capitalism is eternal. Politically they also want to stupefy us, make us believe, fools!, that the bourgeois dictatorship is not a system that marches toward its ruin, that the bourgeoisie is not obsolete but has entered its renewed greening, the perpetuation of the bourgeois dictatorship. Ideologically, they proclaim the validity of idealism patched with religion, mainly Catholic which contains more superstition and deception, the most reactionary.

Armed with Maoism, which is the summit of Marxism, with the people’s war, with the Party, mobilizing the masses, we have to unmask all those hoaxes and crush them⁠—the main thing is to serve the advance of the world revolution.

IV. THE PCP⁵

It is the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo Thought PCP. The Communist Party and the people’s war it leads are a demonstration of the invincibility and vitality of Marxism, of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism; consequently, extremely high responsibility. Therefore, we must develop the people’s war so that it shows all the validity of the power of Maoism and conquers Power in the entire country.

The conquest of Power will be transcendent because we are in a key part of Latin America which at this moment, in relation to Asia and Africa, is passing through the hardest economic, political, and ideological crisis, a general crisis of black perspective in the immediate years; as is shown by the fact that while Asia has countries growing above 9%, in Africa 3%, in backward zones of Europe and in North Africa and the Middle East 2.5%, the countries of Latin America grow at 1%, which goes together with a high population percentage.

Meditate on the role of the PCP and what the conquest of Power in the entire country implies, it is of historical transcendence; that the facts show what was established by the Party, for example that two decades would come together for reaction, today they themselves say it. Reflect seriously on the campaign of American imperialism, Bush says to go against coca; Peru is the main producer, Bolivia the second and third Colombia, it is true. But, where does the United States aim? At unfolding its counter-revolutionary war in the Andean countries which are the backbone of all Latin America, especially South America; and in this backbone where does people’s war burn? In Peru, because of the leadership of the Party and the action of the masses. Thus, they aim against us; what implication does this have? It leads to the development of the contradiction between nation–imperialism, main American imperialism, without forgetting the other superpower and other powers; it contains the change of contradiction: Let us not forget that other countries can be used; within this perspective, they pose carrying forward Brazil’s outlet to the Pacific through the ports of Matarani and Ilo has serious implications, especially for the South of the country, as well as the denounced policy of the Peruvian State of distancing itself from Bolivia and drawing closer to Chile. Yankee aggression directly or using puppets leads us to a war of national liberation; and despite the sacrifice and effort it demands it will be a magnificent perspective for uniting ninety percent of the Peruvian people, at moments when the Party poses conquering Power in the entire country, more conditions although very hard for the triumph of the Peruvian revolution. Imperialism dreams then if it thus seeks to suffocate the revolution; and however much it may be an extremely difficult, complex, bloody period, it leads to the triumph of the people, serves the emancipation of the class and the world proletarian revolution; what is decisive, to place Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, as command and guide of the world revolution.

Only through storms is the world changed, Chairman Mao said. May the Chinese Revolution serve us as a powerful spur to fulfill the Party’s tasks in the place that falls to us!

Central Committee,
Communist Party of Peru.

Chairman Gonzalo’s Intervention in a meeting of leaders and cadres

on the occasion of the 40th Anniversary of the Chinese Revolution.

https://vnd-peru.blogspot.com/2026/10/mpp-en-conmemoracion-del-77-aniversario.html ↩︎
Red Library: Read this document on its own at: https://redlibrary.info/works/pcp/in-commemoration-of-the-40th-anniversary-of-the-chinese-revolution.html.↩︎
Red Library: In the pinyin romanization system, Teng’s name is Deng Xiaoping.↩︎
Red Library: Pope John Paul II visited Peru in 1985 and 1988. Chairman Gonzalo said, “his visits to Peru have to do with how he called on us to lay down our arms while blessing the weapons of genocide as he did various times during his two visits to Peru.”–Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru, INTERVIEW WITH CHAIRMAN GONZALO, 1988, https://redlibrary.info/works/pcp/interview-with-chairman-gonzalo.html.↩︎
Red Library: Communist Party of Peru.↩︎

Tuesday, October 6, 2026

Peru People’s Movement: Long live the 98th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of Peru!

Document: PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY (COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU)

III. PROBLEMS OF THE HISTORY OF THE PARTY (OUTLINE)

I CONSTITUTION.

II Reconstitution.

III. LEADERSHIP OF THE PEOPLE’S WAR.

MPP: ¡VIVA EL 98° ANIVERSARIO DE LA FUNDACIÓN DEL PCP!

Servir al Pueblo Espana: Semana de solidaridad con la Guerra Popular en la India

Equipo editorial de Servir al Pueblo

Madrid

València

DAZIBAO ROJO: INDIA:demonstration in many cities against police violence against women and patriarchy - info ICSPWI

INDIA:demonstration in many cities against police violence against women and patriarchy - info ICSPWI

sábado, 3 de octubre de 2026

ITALIA:International Day of Solidarity and Struggle in 9 cities – A report

Red Library: MPP in-commemoration-of-the-77th-anniversary-of-the-chinese-revolution.

Only through storms is the world changed1

May the Chinese Revolution serve us as a powerful spur to fulfill the Party’s tasks in the place that falls to us!

IN COMMEMORATION OF THE 40TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE CHINESE REVOLUTION

Questions to reflect on and strive to fulfill more as communists

I. THE CHINESE REVOLUTION

II. MAOISM

III. NEW REVISIONIST COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY OFFENSIVE THAT AT THE WORLD LEVEL GORBACHOV AND TENG3 CARRY FORWARD

IV. THE PCP5

Only through storms is the world changed¹

III. NEW REVISIONIST COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY OFFENSIVE THAT AT THE WORLD LEVEL GORBACHOV AND TENG³ CARRY FORWARD

IV. THE PCP⁵