Proletarians
of all countries, unite!
|
MAY
DIRECTIVES FOR METROPOLITAN
LIMA¹
|
Central Committee
Communist Party of Peru
1991
INTRODUCTION
The Third Campaign of the Plan to
Impulse the Development of Base Areas ("impulse") is taking
place at a high level, and with a great impact. It is
providing solid bases toward its completion, and laying down
a solid basis for a great future plan for the People's War.
In Lima the major sabotage against the Institute of Liberty
and Democracy (ILD) was very good, of great political
content and took place at a very opportune moment, just
hours before the signing of the U.S.-Peru treaty against the
People's War. This treaty, which is disguised as a "war on
drugs," targets and uses the People's War so they implement
their so- called "reinsertion." This action clearly
expressed how the PCP condemns the aggression perpetrated by
imperialism, mainly Yankee imperialism. It also shows our
complete opposition to revisionist positions of those
elected or armed like the MRTA, who at no time condemned it,
much less denounced, the treaty as an imperialist aggression
against the People's War. This is evident in their official
communiques published by the Daily "Cambio" and the
interviews of their leaders in official reactionary
magazines such as "Caretas."
The attack against ILD has a great
impact in the country and abroad, because it promotes
anti-imperialist feelings in the Peruvian people and the
need to defend our nation that is being developed now. It
even has an impact in part, on the big Peruvian bourgeoisie,
which has strong contradictions with the mercenary of Yankee
imperialism, Fujimori.
After highlighting the
above actions, we extend our greetings to the Party in Lima,
for a good start of the Third Campaign of the Plan to
Impulse the Development of Base Areas.
AGENDA
- I. REPORT ON THE TASKS ASSIGNED
BY THE NATIONAL LEADERSHIP AND THE APPLICATION OF THE
THIRD CAMPAIGN.
- II. ABOUT THE FIVE
PROBLEMS:
- 1. The XI Anniversary:
Documents of the Second Plenum and other
documents.
- 2. Initiate the celebration
of the V Anniversary of the Day of Heroism, yearly
Campaign throughout the country; objectives agreed
upon (in the Second Plenum of the Central Committee);
possibilities of a central publication and statements
of other organisms; poster; denouncing the demagogue
and genocidal Garcia Perez; mass actions in diverse
small sectors; what is reaction up to in the Shining
Trenches of Combat. And above all, what is reaction
doing during the months prior to the first year in
Government of the most shameless lackey of Yankee
imperialism (Fujimori)? (THIS IS THE MAIN
POINT.)
I.
REPORT ON THE TASKS ASSIGNED BY THE NATIONAL LEADERSHIP AND
APPLICATION OF THE THIRD CAMPAIGN
ON
JUSTICE BY THE MASSES. Promote and ensure that the masses
arm themselves, get organized and administer justice by
themselves, as they are the Base Force of the revolution.
The Party must lead and teach them how to do it. In
addition, since they are fighting tirelessly, the masses
create many forms of organization and struggle. We must lead
and elevate their potential to struggle for the revolution
to higher levels.
ON "CIVIC
ACTIONS" IN THE CITIES BY THE REACTIONARY ARMED FORCES.
Oppose the army's "distribution" or "civic actions." The
masses must get organized to handle the food and medical
attention that they are rightfully entitled to get.
Therefore, they should manage and distribute it themselves.
The rule to apply this policy is simple: the first served
should be the poorest of the poor, then the poor in general,
the little ones, the middle ones, and least of all, the
rich. Thus, the people understand that they must appropriate
these products, since the handouts given to them are not
gifts by the government, nor by imperialism, but are some
by-products of the Revolution, and part of the rights
benefitting them. The masses rightfully demand for more and
better services, and must refuse to do any
counterrevolutionary work in return, such as cleaning the
walls from PCP writings, or snitching in exchange for these
handouts. The walls are the pages whereon the people express
their ideas, since they have nowhere else to write on,
neither radio, nor TV, nor newspapers. This is because the
entire media is in the hands of their exploiters. When have
they allowed the poor to express themselves? The only ones
they allow to speak in the media are the opportunists, the
revisionists, the pastiches, the lackeys, the workers'
aristocracy, and the bogus leaders of the masses.
Educate the masses about the
political objective of these actions by the State: they are
part of its low intensity warfare, aimed against the
People's War, and at containing the explosiveness of the
masses. Teach the people that these crumbs, which they have
wrested away with their ceaseless struggle, are not going to
solve their problems, and that only the Revolution can truly
address the rights of the people, and the Revolution is made
with the People's War. Educate them on the State's economic
objectives, and teach them that the essence of these hand
outs is to minimally compensate the monstrous cut in wages,
and how and why this is done by the reactionaries in times
of crisis. This has been already taught to us by Marx
(reproduce his quotations or those of the party
documents.)
Denounce and unmask how imperialism
and reaction use that compensation of salary to buy
consciences and try to tie the people to their ideological,
political and economic plans. The oppressors and the
exploiters want to use the masses to support fly-by-night
ideologies and reactionary idealism. To this end, they
traffic with the people's religious fervor. This is done in
order to sell them the ideology of an old backward,
hypocritical and false Catholic religion, which historically
has always been against progress, and science.
Didn't the Church organize and
support armies, crusades, thousands of intrigues leading to
mass slaughters, conquests and oppression of people? The
Inquisition was used here in these lands and its tortures
were savage. Did Pope Pius XII ever condemn Hitler's Fascism
and his genocides in World War II? With regard to
Protestantism and its proliferating sects, aren't they
developing plans of penetration of imperialism, mainly
Yankee imperialism? The Catholic Church not only does the
same but also uses these compensatory crumbs to help
revisionists and opportunists continue manipulating and
galloping over the shoulders of the masses.
Politically, they want to
convince the masses of the need to preserve the Old State,
which gives them "freedom" and "democracy," when in reality
the masses experience repression and death on a daily basis,
add their hunger and misery. The "freedom" they talk about
is freedom for the powerful now ruling, and not for the
downtrodden. The "democracy" they preach is simply the
dictatorship of the rich ruling classes of the Old State:
the big bourgeoisie and the landlords, and both of these
classes are accountable to Yankee imperialism. This is the
"democracy" that the cynical and mercenary Fujimori steps
daily on, undermining the State's supposedly demo-bourgeois
order, and expressing fascist ideas and
positions.
Again, reaction is launching the
old treacherous slogan of "sacrifice today for a
better tomorrow," and as usual, "in defense of
freedom and democracy," covering up new capitalist
accumulation based on the largest feasible surplus value.
The result is the increase of exploitation and oppression in
which they are sinking us. Furthermore, for example during
the Drug Agreement, what poor coca growing peasants express
their ideas? Oh, of course! Some of them might have been
called in to "express their views" but no one would pay
attention to them. This is because here only those in power
listen to each other, all decisions are made among
reactionaries. But above all, they obey anything that their
imperialist masters order them to do.
When did they have any interest in
solving the problems of the people? Never, and today even
less. Other examples of their "freedom and democracy" are
the decrees against the working class or the marketing of
lands, which is just despoiling the peasants off what little
land they had. Another example occurs when the masses get
out on the streets to demand their rights. Aren't they then
repressed, arrested, disappeared and murdered? This happens
at the minor sign of political opposition, which is more
brutal against those who profess Marxism. Aren't they trying
to annihilate us? The genocide of the Shining Trench of
Combat on June 19, 1986 must be remembered. The genocides
committed by Fujimori too. Show facts and concrete examples
of struggles to teach the masses. Allow them to express
their opinions, their legitimate grievances and demands
freely.
Economically, with the
so-called "aid" and "survival organizations" (Glass of Milk,
Kitchen Soups, etc.) they are trying to compensate for the
brutal reduction in wages, so that the workers and laborers
who live in situations of hunger and extreme poverty, are
forced to work for meager wages that are not even enough to
recover their labor power. And for what? To apply the so
called "neoliberal revolution," which is an obsolete
economic concept imposed by imperialism to promote its
"market economy" and "sustainable growth, "A Yankee
imperialist thesis applied through CEPAL (and the IMF),
which are only plans for more dependency and exploitation.
For this reason, they want to lower inflation by applying
deflation, generating recession and reducing the fiscal
deficit. All of this is done by squeezing the working class
like a lemon, cutting wages, generating more and more
unemployment, increasing the cost of living, reducing the
people's purchasing capacity, and imposing crippling taxes
on those below. In summary, all the recipes of the IMF, the
International Development Bank and the World Bank have the
goal of demanding the "accumulation of wealth," which is
nothing more than the imposition of more draconian measures
against the people, to accumulate new capital through
increased surplus value, and consequently provide better
guarantees to foreign investments. They dream that in 1992
they may get some, since the loans serve to pay the foreign
debt. That is what the international finance system calls
"reinsertion." Hence, their stabilization plan enslaves the
people and the class even more. That's why the people must
not let themselves be tied down. Their only way out is to
struggle to wrest away more conquests. They must advance
toward the conquest of Power by means of the People's War,
demolish this Old State, and then build the People's
Republic of Peru, under the leadership of the Communist
Party of Peru.
Summarizing, the economic
plan of the reactionaries has the following
characteristics:
- 1. It is part of the low
intensity war,
- 2. It tries to compensate the
cut of wages with philanthropy (short term handouts);
and
- 3. It uses "bourgeois
philanthropy" trying to tie the masses into their
neoliberal plans, the market economy, the ideology,
politics and economics of imperialism (mainly Yankee
imperialism.)
The above plans are implemented by
the pro-imperialist mercenary Fujimori, sustained by the
genocidal armed forces and police, and supported by the
Church, principally the Catholic Church, and all the
defenders of the Old State, revisionism and opportunism of
the so-called United Left (IU), the Socialist Left (IS) or
their offspring, and the collaboration of armed revisionism
such as MRTA.
We must unmask the reactionary
programs and plans, understand well their essence and
purpose, destroy them, and organize the masses to carry on
the struggle and wrest away conquests (from the oppressors).
We must also empower their struggles with armed actions so
that the reactionaries are unmasked, undermined, and their
plans are blown up through the air. The Party leads, the
masses do the rest. We must blow up the sinister plans of
Peruvian reaction, imperialism and revisionism, who are
tying the masses down to vile exploitation, and are trying
to annihilate the People's War.
ON
THE STRIKE AT THE CENTRAL HIGHWAY INDUSTRIES (CARRETERA
CENTRAL, LIMA APRIL 29-30, 1991) First question, what are
the facts? What happened? The report states that a female
official ordered a worker to clean the sanitary latrines.
The worker was a technician from another section who was not
under her supervision. This comrade refused to carry out her
orders. The petty official insisted on humiliating him in
front of his co-workers, threatened to fire him on the spot,
and apply the new anti worker decree. This provoked a
cardiac arrest from which he died. The petty official did
not even allow his fellow workers to get close to the body
laying on the floor. It was an unforeseen
situation.
How does a Communist act in such
circumstances? One thing is to be a Communist and another
one is to be an activist. He, (another comrade being
criticized) was a Communist, and his duty was superior.
Therefore, his duty was to place himself at the head of the
protest of his fellow workers, and to coordinate the
planning of the struggle with the activists.
If the workers decided to stop
work, they were right in proposing a two-day work stoppage
throughout the Central Highway. They could not let that
murder of a worker by a Company official remain quiet. What
was the mistake of the comrade leading the strike? He did
not communicate forthwith on this incident to his Party
cell, and therefore did not empower additional means to
strengthen the struggle. We can't criticize him for not
counterpoising the Party to Front, because as a communist,
he leads the struggle and promotes the response of the
masses. Besides, the strike was successful and mobilized the
masses.
Another mistake he made was not to
call the workers to strike in the name of the Central
Highway Struggle Committee. But what gets complicated is
that they (inadvertently) agitated for "free trade unions."
What does that mean? Let's analyze well so as not to err.
The so called "free trade unions" follow the
false concept that political parties must not lead workers'
unions, which is contrary, opposed to Marxism. Was that his
idea? On the other hand, the regime just promulgated
"Supreme Decree 016," by which 20 workers associated are
enough to form a union; so that in a factory with 100
workers, five unions could be organized. Were they against
that disposition? It would be good to scratch the bottom of
those criteria exposed and analyzed in the midst of the
two-line struggle, in a Rectification Campaign aiming to
educate the new militants.
A lesson we must take out of this
is: Never counterpoise Party to masses. The Party is the
highest social organization of the working class and defends
the interests of its class, the proletariat, and other
classes that constitute the people. The Party is the Highest
Command of the revolution, the Party is an indispensable
tool to lead the revolution, Lenin said: "Give me a
Communist Party, and I will transform Russia."
Therefore, he conceived the Party as a lever (palanca).
President Mao taught us: "Trust the Party and trust
the masses." We reaffirm those truths.
One thing is the obligation of
militants, another is that of activists, and yet another is
that of the masses. As an example, the comrade erred in not
notifying the Party, and applying the Party line to the
slogans used in the strike. This is corrected internally and
by persuasion, by education, by analyzing what those ideas
entail, by looking up the experiences of the Party, the
teachings of Marxism, and by distinguishing us from the
criteria spread by reaction and revisionism on the subject.
We must never counterpoise the Party to the masses or the
Party to the Front, because they are two distinct parts of a
contradiction. The Party leads the revolution and the masses
make history.
A geographically limited strike is
not bad, and that event was very good for agitation. The
event was correct. But if he had communicated his leaders on
time, the party would have made the strike more powerful
with marches, and would have made that reactionary woman
accountable for her action. Furthermore, the struggle would
have given impetus, the class interest defended, and the
Party's position on the anti proletarian and anti popular
government's decree, spread. This is part of linking the
struggle for economic demands to the struggle for
Power.
Finally, we always must salute the
combativity of the masses, how they struggle despite the
difficult conditions in which they are subjected to. Our
position is different from the PUM's (Partido Unificado
Mariateguista), which is opposed to stoppages and strikes
ostensibly for the sake of organizing its "wave of
strikes" (the wave of strikes is a set of continuous
and simultaneous work stoppages and strikes in various
sectors of the workers, peasants, laborers, of the people;
these intensify specially during an insurrection and are
prepared events; to us now it means the march toward the
revolutionary crisis and preparing the insurrection.) But,
what does PUM do to that end? Today, we see the public
employees fighting more than industrial workers because they
are being hit harder by the crisis and government measures.
But industrial workers are fighting as usual. We must apply
our principles (see pages 323-324 of the document of the
Preparatory Session of the Second Plenum of the Central
Committee.) To carry out strikes is still the main form of
an economic struggle, as Lenin taught, and prepare for
greater struggles to come. Marx said that the struggle for
better wages is guerrilla warfare and President Mao taught
us that we must fight the workers' sellers, capitulators
before reaction and traitors to the workers' movement. We
must push forward strikes, prepare them well, with reason,
advantage and limit. Educate the class and the masses that
the strike has a limit, yet by the use of this indispensable
instrument conquests are won. The strike is right and must
be defended, strike days should be paid, not to allow
lifting it as a condition to enter into direct
negotiations.
Negotiations are reached by
pressuring with persistence, and sharpening the struggle.
Not like some say now, "stop struggling and let's
talk." Today everything is dialogue to reaction and
revisionism; we must fight against it. In every struggle the
time comes to dialogue, but at the negotiating table you can
only win what you have already won at the battlefield; that
is a fundamental military and political criteria.
The strike, then, must be handled
firmly and astutely, not only by teaching the class how it's
a good and necessary tool, but also by teaching its
limitations. With the strike, you do not conquer Power, nor
break the vicious circle in which this old capitalist system
(today in its imperialist phase) subjects the class. The
proletariat and the working people have to struggle using
all necessary means, especially the main form of economic
struggle: the strike. If not, they will not wrest away
living wages from their exploiters, nor improve working
conditions, neither gain the respect for the 8-hour workday.
Always keep in mind that what has been conquered can be lost
as a result of capitalism's cyclical economic crises.
Therefore, what corresponds is to break that vicious circle,
to destroy the capitalist system, which in Peru is at its
bureaucratic stage, under the control of imperialism and
subjected to semifeudalism. Hence, the need to link the
vindicating economic struggle with the struggle for Power
can only be achieved by conquering Power, exercising and
defending it. Only then we will be able to change the old
system, and create and develop a new one: socialism, with
the dictatorship of the proletariat and communism as the
final goal. This will be achieved going through the first
stage: the democratic revolution, the joint class
dictatorship, the People's Republic of Peru with the
People's War, will be achieved. There is no other way to
accomplish this objective.
In the country, we have seen how
the nurses struggle for more than fifty days. This is a
stern strike, which doesn't slow down and it continues the
fight without any major support. They are brutally
repressed, arrested, and threatened that the strike will be
declared illegal unless they return to work within 72 hours.
However, the deadline expired and the threats were not
carried out. Why have not they, being crushed? They were not
crushed because the masses trust the strength of their
struggle. They march, they mobilize, they take the streets
and main squares of the city giving no room to the maneuvers
of reaction. They use the tribunes of public opinion to
denounce, they agitate in the neighborhoods, they organize
pot lucks, and they get on the passenger buses to spread
propaganda.
That's how they refrained the
reactionaries' repressive action. And what has the General
Central of Workers (CGTP) done? or the State's Employees
Union (CITE)? They did nothing to support the masses, and
most of the strikers are nurses and medical technologists.
Internally, there are factions in every struggle, that's how
it is in every Front. But the most steadfast sector is
imposing itself, and it is made up of women who are giving
an example of combat. What are the prospects of this
struggle?
1. It's good because it hits the
stabilization plan and protests take place on the
streets.
2. If the strike persists, it will
wrest away something. The main thing is not to be broken
organically, to persist on mobilizing, marching, keeping on
the strike, and they will gain some economic, social and
political benefits (the support of the Party to this
struggle is very helpful: It fortifies, stimulates and
supports them, while armed actions press and weakens the
exploiters further.)
3. But, the little they manage to
wrest away will not be enough to cover their needs. The
family basket (monthly income needed to survive) will
continue to be very expensive compared to their wages. The
reduction in their purchase capacity will again confront
increases in the cost of living due to inflation.
4. How will that impact others?
Industrial workers, laborers, and the people will be in
better condition to develop their political conscience, and
to understand that they are the ones transforming society,
and that only by organizing themselves will they will be
able to conquer Power with the People's War, and break the
vicious circle. In addition, they show how within
bureaucratic capitalism, they will never be able to achieve
what is called a "just" wage. This is because the essence of
capitalism is exploitation, and accumulation of capital
through the purchase of labor power. Thus, they can show how
the strike educates the masses. To this end, read and
reproduce "Wage, Price and Profit," by
Marx; "Long Live the Strike!" by Lenin;
and "The Workers' Seller . . . " by the Chinese
comrades; and propagate them among the strikers at a
solidarity price.
Later on, since Peruvian society is
in a critical situation, with so much unemployment in the
cities, and above all, in Lima where 70% of the proletariat
is without a job. We must apply other forms of struggles as
well, taking advantage for instance, of the workers'
quitting times to create revolutionary awareness
(agitation), and spread concrete facts like the killing of
that worker at the Textile Union. We must promote debates,
for example, on the need to struggle and get organized with
the unemployed since nobody struggles for them, and in Lima,
organize with the underemployed. These people reach 95% of
the Economic Active Population according to the National
Institute of Statistics -INEI- (unemployed 10%,
underemployed 85%, fully employed 5%.) We must form groups
of workers to air their grievances, paint graffiti, and sign
denunciations in a study group.
Start with live, current, red-hot
facts to promote the need for work stoppages, and propose
them as a discussion theme: What difficulties can be
expected and what other creative forms of struggle can be
used? Disseminate the thesis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism,
Gonzalo Thought on the proletariat, share the Party
experiences. Is a strike convenient or not? Let the masses
participate. Organize marches at the workplace during
quitting times, and wait for the right time to post banners
and posters, then do graffiti, expressing grievances and
propaganda. Agitate and organize according to a plan, and
promote marches. At first, organize a small and short march
around the plant, then a larger one with the participation
of other plants or factories. Thus, it can be expanded up to
a march of an entire industrial zone, supported by the
neighborhoods, which are always close by the industries,
such as the Central Highway. Call the TV and newspapers and
the workers themselves will expose their situation. The
implementation of this plan requires the incorporation of
more activists, fighters or comrades at the plants; put into
practice the role of being a "soldier-spy,"
worker by day militia by night. Wherever the fulfilment of
these acts at the plant generates repression or risk, they
should be exempted from such tasks at their plants. Organize
a Struggle Committee amidst this struggle. Fight the false
leaders ideologically, unmask their revisionism, and their
role as "firefighters" and aim at overthrowing
them and penetrate more and more of these workers into
organizations, or neighborhoods plagued with workers'
aristocracy, to fight industrial or trade union
bureaucracy.
Let's
think of the following relationship: GRAFFITI AND BANNERS -
EXPRESSION OF GRIEVANCES - RALLY - STOPPAGE - STRIKE -
PEOPLE'S WAR. (INSURRECTION). WHAT FOR? TO PREPARE FOR THE
GREATEST ACTIONS TO COME!
Let art fulfill its role as an
instrument of class, let the masses take over the stage, let
actors and actresses represent them, that the masses see
themselves represented there. Let daily life be
enacted, "the artist and his time" is not
merely a phrase, sowing is done that way too. It's part of
propaganda. Let graffiti drawings and writings be
generalized in the workplace, neighborhoods, schools,
universities, centers of street vendors, or workers in
general. Let graffiti be in big bold letters on the walls,
because only there can the people really see and express
their democracy. The walls are the sheets of books where the
people write their prose, their poems, their poems, their
literary works to air their demands, their struggles and the
songs of the Revolution. This is the only way to conquer
Power: the glorious People's War.
And let's not care if the masses
make spelling mistakes. They will learn later on. Let them
write on the walls how they participate in the war. Let them
criticize what is wrong. Let them fight imperialism,
Peruvian reaction and revisionism. For instance, what does
the General Worker's Federation (CGTP) do for the
proletariat? They no longer even like to use the word
"proletariat," They have betrayed the class completely.
Instead, they repeat the way fascist dictator Velasco used
the term "laborers" or simply "workers" (trabajadores). A
wage-earning worker can never equal an employer even if both
do work; one exploits, the other is exploited; one is a
bourgeois or landowner, the other is a proletarian or part
of the people. Let there be talk of classes and of class
struggles, of dictatorship of the proletariat, of joint
dictatorship. Let them express how the CGTP has betrayed the
principles of the class, and how it is an instrument to harm
their interests, which does not represent the class and must
be destroyed and replaced by a truly class conscious body,
and one that struggle under the ideology of the class:
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought. Disown those false
leaders and bosses, who capitulate before imperialism,
reaction and revisionism. We must struggle against
revisionist CGTP and for a class-conscious worker's central
led by the proletariat.
Let the youth, in graffiti, compare
the phrases of the opportunist and revisionists with those
of the imperialists and reactionaries. For instance, the
known phrase by bourgeois philosopher Maritaine,
"youth is barbarism," with those of Enrique Bernales
"the response of university students against President
Fujimori is barbaric"; (on Fujimori's visit to San
Marcos University when he was thoroughly repudiated by
students and faculty), and counterpose them with those of
President Mao: "The youth is the sun that
dawns."
Women too must write graffiti:
Under the law, women workers have the right to have cradles
for their children at the factories they work. What employer
abides by that law? Does the State force any enterprise to
obey that law? No. The mothers stretch the wages in order to
feed their children, and many times themselves remain with
an empty stomach for lack of food. Reject work for free.
Actually, family work is being used to promote mini
enterprises in which all must labor: Children, parents or
other relatives work 12 or 14 hours a day, selling their
products at a miserable price, and what social and health
benefits do they receive? None. Let them denounce and
condemn those types of exploitative family work.
The expression of grievances must
be encouraged at all manufacturing centers, neighborhoods,
community centers, mothers' clubs, street vendor markets,
merchants, artisans, etc. The people have the right to
expose their situations of exploitation so all can hear it.
Let the masses speak up with deep class conscientiousness,
instead of those sell outs and treacherous false leaders. At
the market, a bench or wooden box is sufficient to agitate.
The elderly must also speak on how the situation becomes
worse with each successive government, and how long this
deterioration will continue? The elderly have heard before
from the exploiters the same empty chatter: "Sacrifice
today so things will be better tomorrow." Thus, with
the graffiti, the masses express true people's democracy in
writing, and verbally with the expression of
grievances.
Marches and rallies are good and
make the reactionaries tremble. When workers march, they
give tone to the struggle. It is a good example the way
construction workers march with sticks, rocks, burning tires
and agitating the people with revolutionary slogans. The
same thing is done by miners, textile workers, teachers,
women, youth, state employees and ambulatory workers. The
people must march against the exorbitant price hikes on
kerosene, water, light, gas, etc. and against the grievous
taxes imposed on them. The merchants, must protest the
fines, coercive penalty payments, etc. In some marches, they
merely agitate with slogans; in others rocks are thrown at
exploitative or repressive institutions. In other marches,
groups are formed to block passages of troops with anything
they can find, such as tree trunks, rocks, tires, garbage,
traffic shacks, paving stones and anything else that the
masses can find to support their initiative.
This type of march can be applied
at the workplace exit, at quitting times, and that way wages
are not affected: In times of crisis the masses see
themselves economically overwhelmed and fear losing what
little they earn; yet they still want to struggle and indeed
are struggling. Marching during non working hours is
efficient. Why aren't marches done again from the Old House
of San Marcos, from University Square, now surrounded by a
steel bar fence? Let us provide Lima again with its
tradition of the struggle, why should those places be like
museums? Let us march in the industrial neighborhoods, in
the young towns, at Lima's main spots, in Miraflores, San
Isidro, at Manco Capac Square, blocking highways, avenues,
such as the "big ditch" in Lima (El Sanj'on), etc. Apply at
the marches BLOCKADES, SACKING, RALLIES.
The mobilization is a more
developed form of marching, in quality and quantity, and so
it must be well prepared. PCP detachments and militia must
teach the masses how to repel aggression. It is completely
false that in Peru there is unity between the Army and the
people. The opposite is true: the people reject, hate and
repudiate the genocidal armed forces. We must rescue those
arrested by the police. Aiming against armored trucks (it's
a political stupidity to call them "Little
Pinochets," these are vehicles used to break up
demonstrations, it's repressive and not a little puppet with
a growing nose nor a harmless Pinochet, that's what TV
announcers spread in order to defuse the wrath of the
masses). Attack the vehicles transporting people who were
arrested, block them with other cars or trucks, overturn
them. We should be already dynamiting the armored military
trucks. Will the Army then intervene? That's a given. It has
already been decided, and soon we'll have them on the
streets of Lima anyway. They should not be feared either,
but loudly denounced as they really are: genocidal,
murderers, rapists, butchers, shameless traitors to their
patrons Grau, Bolognesi, Qui¤ones, brave when
confronting unarmed masses, but scary like rabbits when
facing the guerrillas. What morale do they have when
fighting the People's War? None. Their desertions grow.
Their officers force the soldiers to be their servants and
to eat dogs. What can they do against a march of one
thousand people just from one neighborhood? They just use
brutal repression. Their regulations say that to break up a
demonstration, they should first shoot to the air, However,
it is a norm that they shoot to kill from the onset, not
even to the feet. Could they kill 10, 100? It's difficult
but possible. The masses would react still more explosively,
since blood does not drown the revolution but irrigates it,
and internationally, a good-by (adios) to "respect for human
rights!" The Peruvian situation is going to get worse and
the masses will have to apply even more developed forms of
struggle. They do not fear to pay the price paid for a true
change of system. These are not longer the 1930s, nor the
1960s, but they are the 1990s, and there is a Communist
Party leading the people in a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist,
Gonzalo Thought People's War. The Party is assuming its role
of leading them, preparing them for days to come, to conquer
Power. We are going from a revolutionary situation in
development, to a revolutionary crisis, which is coming
anyway. That is today's tendency. The slogan of today
is "Fight and Resist for the People's War!" and
it is a very good one.
The strike, whether localized or
general, is another form that must be applied. The armed
strike is a military form of struggle, which allows the
masses to participate widely in the People's War, it
propagandizes, agitates, mobilizes. In this strike the
masses express themselves in their protest, their
repudiation of the Old State, the government, the genocidal
armed forces and police. It allows the blocking of vital
parts of the city, preparing the future insurrection. It
manages the four forms of guerrilla action: agitation and
propaganda, sabotage, selective annihilation, and guerrilla
combat; and all the appropriate procedures. Local, zonal or
regional strikes can be organized. With respect to the
common work stoppage, it's a form of an economic struggle
that is generating conditions for a superior form of
economic struggle: the strike.
Strikes are, we reiterate, the main
form of economic struggle. In essence, they are "guerrilla
warfare" fighting for wage increases. Marx said that strikes
vindicate demands of part of the class (e.g., a plant or
productive sector) as such is an economic struggle. But
those strikes developed by the general interests of the
class (e.g., general wage hikes, in defense of unions,
against the economic policy, etc.) are political struggles.
Furthermore, we must not forget that nowadays every class
struggle is political, and part of the struggle for power.
So when revisionists and opportunists attack the strike
movement calling it as merely a vindicating struggle, they
(as usual) attack the class and defend the bourgeoisie.
Therefore, in these times the struggle for better wages is
eminently political because Fujimori's government plan is to
impose the lowest possible wages ("salaries" are also
"wages" that's the terminology we must use, on the hand it
denounces the exploitation, and on the other the proletariat
link its struggle with other nonindustrial workers). Yes,
struggling for better wages is economic, but the crux of the
government's economic plan is to achieve stabilization for
the "reinsertion." And to do so increases the
surplus value and cut wages. That's why we must smash it
because it goes against the class and the people. Their
phrase "Sacrifice today to have it better
tomorrow" is mendacity.
Thus, the key of this struggle, the
strike, or localized or general work stoppages, is the
surplus value, the wages. Its political essence is to
overthrow this old order because it generates hunger and
exploitation. The greatest political vindication of all is
the conquest of Power. This guerrilla war prepares for grand
moments. It is bonded with the final struggle for the
conquest of Power and the main form of a political struggle,
the People's War.
In the midst of all these
struggles, various kinds of apparatuses are built and
organized, and obviously the clandestine Party manages them
all, and ideology unites them all. An existing Struggle
Committee can be consolidated, or new ones formed in various
areas to support the Revolutionary Movement in Defense of
the People (MRDP), which makes possible a new and greater
leap in the incorporation of the masses to the People's War.
Finally, do not fear reaction's bloody response.
That is part of implementing the
Party's mass line in the cities, in and for the people's War
following the following directive: base, neighborhoods and
young towns. The proletariat is the leader and its
militarization is being developed.
ON
THE SIXTH FORM OF POWER AND THE SEEDS OF POWER IN THE
CITY.
About three years ago, at Lima's
MRDP meeting, we discussed the names of organic forms, which
will manage the new forms of struggle that will link the
workers' struggle with the struggle in the young towns and
other neighborhoods (barrial): People's Committee, People's
Struggle Committee or simply Struggle Committee. We saw how
the People's Committee was not convenient because it could
be confused with the People's Committee we organize only in
the countryside due to the character of the democratic
Revolution. Later on, we discussed how to go on finding
forms of Power in the city, because, if we are going to
conquer Power in the whole country, we must organize the
cities to control them from the underground, and manage
everything until the time comes for the final insurrection.
We concluded that a Struggle Committee was convenient.
However, this is to undermine the Old State in the cities
and have the masses follow an organized direction. It is a
germinal base that allows the management of Power. The issue
is to create means of united action under the leadership of
the Party or joint actions united organically with the
exercise of authority. We can conceive it as another form of
struggle in the people's Power, along with the other five
forms, as an additional form of war only in the city. Then
the Struggle Committee would be a 6th form of Power and the
first germinal form in the city.
The Struggle Committee would have 3
mile stones. The 88th meeting of the MRDP is to apply the
Second Session of the Congress: Struggle Committee to
coordinate workers and masses in the neighborhoods and young
towns, assuming functions; Preparatory Session of the Second
Plenum of the Central Committee October-November 1990:
Struggle Committee to provide unity, organization and
authority; and today, in 1991, the Struggle Committee as we
said before the sixth form and first germinal form in the
city. Why so today? Because of the development of material
reality, These are the facts. The growth of our mass work in
and for the People's War has generated it that
way.
The main thing is to apply the
principles and not to lose direction. Ideas come from
practice. We would not have achieved that much by only
storming our brains in 1988, nor would we have accomplished
it how we have today. At the time it was correct to discuss
it, and that is how we delineated the general road. Now the
moment has come and reality shows us how to build it. It is
the sixth and first form of power in the city, a model to
organize germinal forms of the New Power in the cities. We
insist that it is not the form of Power we created in the
countryside, but a different form. Let's keep in mind its
direction and purpose:
First Struggle Committee: TO
COORDINATE WORKERS AND NEIGHBORHOOD MASSES (YOUNG
TOWNS).
Second Struggle Committee: UNITY -
ORGANIZATION - AUTHORITY
Third Struggle Committee: SIXTH
FORM AND FIRST GERMINAL FORM IN THE CITY. IT IS NOT THE NEW
POWER AS IN THE COUNTRYSIDE. TO PREVENT AND OPPOSE IT BE
CONSIDERED IN THE SAME WAY AS IN THE COUNTRYSIDE. TO
CONSIDER IT AS GERMINAL FORM, A NEW AND SIXTH FORM ARISING
IN THE CITY LINKED TO PREPARING THE INSURRECTION AND IN
FUNCTION TO THE CONQUEST OF POWER COUNTRYWIDE. AN
ACCOMPLISHMENT OF CONSTRUCTING THE CONQUEST OF POWER, IN THE
CITY, IT IS NOT A COMPLEMENT OF THE ACTION THE OLD STATE
TRIES TO DO. QUITE THE CONTRARY, IT AIMS AT NEGATING IT,
UNDERMINING IT AND, IN RESPECTIVE, DESTROYING IT TO FORM THE
NEW POWER.
With regard to the situation of
takeovers of . . . the issue is how to develop it and how to
defend it. The key is to spread and ingrain the ideology of
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought in children, youth
and adults. Forge the Party, the People's Guerrilla Army,
Generated Organisms and Struggle Committees; to promote
collective work; to write graffiti, people's democracy. To
have a people's defense plan because the masses are going to
be hit, infiltrated or undermined with reaction's "civic
action" plan and repression. To use the legality, not
reddening, clear slogans and support them with concrete
actions.
ON
INFILTRATION AND ENTRISM
Always keep a high vigilance but
even higher today, because we are in more developed,
therefore more complex, political moment. We are at
strategic equilibrium and both sides in the war. They (the
enemy) and us, are preparing for a definitive
situation.
Always, investigate fully any signs
of infiltration or entrism, specifically from MRTA and
reaction. We must develop a political-ideological unmasking
campaign against MRTA's revisionism, based on what the
document of the Plenary Session of the II Plenum of the
Central Committee says, and what was set forth at the
Political Bureau July 1990's meeting. Publish flyers, do
group discussions, promote debates, emphasize the latter
since they always run away from it, they can't stand a
political-ideological attack. What has they answered to the
publication of the document "Elections No, People's War
Yes!" Nothing. They babble based on bourgeoises' papers
headlines and editorials, repeating the old tale of
reaction:"Division exists in Sendero . . . " And do they
ever prove anything? No, they remain as parasitical as ever,
fulfilling their role of "dividing tasks" to annihilate us,
as active and armed complements of Peruvian reaction and of
social-imperialism. It is besides ironical that they are not
only wrong on us, but are very likely split, it suffices to
read that pamphlet "Cambio" they are allowing to distribute
freely. Even Lima's TV Channel 5 is at their disposal, and
it wouldn't be surprising if ever Lima's TV 4 soon is placed
at their disposal too.
ON ACTIONS IN
LIMA. With respect to actions of the ongoing Third Campaign
in Lima, as well as in the entire country, these increase in
quantity and quality. The political objectives of these
actions are higher and on the rise, including the fighting
capacity of the people's militias and detachments. A problem
we notice is conservatism of the d.e.'s. The percentage of
growth is low compared to the People's Guerrilla Army. And
why is that? Because of the erroneous criterion of
"lack of sophisticated weapons." They must
apply the agreement of the Central Committee about
"Building Three Bases and Three Guides" and
worry about capturing more developed weapons. In addition,
the new d.e.'s now being formed will wrest them away and
that will be part of their own forging.
We ask ourselves, are something
like that happening with the main forces throughout the
People's Guerrilla Army? Is conservatism showing up there
to?
We emphasize about the need to
increase the actions by the d.e.'s, coordinated acts, and
synchronization of forces. A good example is how on the day
of the April blackout in Lima (which was politically very
timely) there were 200 actions against imperialism, among
then actions against the embassies of the countries, which
will be in the economic "Support Group".
The 80 armed sabotages to the
banks, precisely on the eve of the promulgation of the Law
of Banks. It was expressed in the complexity of the actions,
handling of double plans, fulfilling acts pending in the
process of People's War in Lima such as "Arms for the
Revolution! , Money for the people!" It supports mass
struggles, with armed actions we provide success and
political perspective to their vindicating actions, which is
strategic because it advances preparations for the
insurrection.
There are limitations in the
annihilation of live enemy forces, police and Armed forces,
high bureaucracy and financial oligarchy. We insist: we do
not hit the plain street cops, but those specialized in
counterinsurgency actions -those with blood in their hands.
We apply the norm of selective annihilation: First to the
Armed Forces (Army, Navy, Air Force); to Police Forces
specialized in counterinsurgency actions; to genocidal(s),
the torturers, to all who have a debt of blood; then to the
(paramilitary) rondas, reaction now aims at organizing
rondas also in the cities. Apply differentiation:
First target against the most
recalcitrant; flyers must be spread explaining why the
specific action is being carried out by leaving signs, paint
walls. Differentiate between the "black heads" (leaders of
rondas who willingly and willfully commit crimes against the
people), and the masses who are pressured or coerced by the
armed forces into the paramilitary rondas (who must be
respected and educated to defend themselves.) Apply double
politics, penetrate them, undermine them until they rebel.
For the pressured masses, make them understand they are
being used against their own interest, how reaction traffics
with their unemployment, their hunger, their needs so as to
use them as cannon fodder for lack of soldiers and
police.
Hit the high bureaucracy and
financial oligarchy; the bureaucrats and representatives of
the Old State, their institutions and explain clearly why it
is done. In the city of Acari, for example, we executed the
Mayor because he was a despot and corrupt hated by the
masses, and acted after we received 40 written petitions
from them explaining the reasons for revolutionary justice.
The letters described what the masses wanted, and he only
got three bullets because we do not apply cruelty or
humiliations. People's justice is swift but fair. We do not
seek to create suffering. But in Lima, El Comercio, Expreso,
La Republica, what did these sewers publish on this action?
That an elected representative of the people, beloved by
all, had been dynamited, etc.
Specially let selective
annihilation actions help two objectives: To disintegrate
the enemy forces and to develop the United Front. Explaining
in a clear and simple manner the causes help the Front, and
not explaining undermines it. To help develop the Front, the
targets must be selected very well, and in Lima the targets
must be very high. We are near the celebration of the Fifth
Anniversary of the Day of Heroism, select the genocidal(s)
well, and wherever they are we must apply their
well-deserved punishment. What to do if they know we prepare
something? They cannot know where, whom, or when. We must
prepare more and better actions.
ON THE JUNE 27 ARMED
STRIKE IN LIMA.
Another issue we must address is
the forthcoming armed strike. We are in agreement with it.
Prepare it well. There are good conditions for its success,
but take into account the following:
- 1. Propaganda on "the strike
was a victory of the people or the reaction" is part of
the process of the strike.
- 2. Apply what we have set forth
on work with the masses (PCP mass line).
- 3. Link the strike to the
celebration of the fifth Anniversary of the Day of
Heroism.
Take into account and be prepared
because reaction and the Government will move everything to
defeat the strike, in collusion and collision obviously. The
success of the armed strike will depend on how well it is
conceived, prepared and implemented! The achievement of a
new victory with the armed strike is necessary, and it is up
to us to develop and lead it; the rest, the masses will
do!
May, June and July will bring hard
battles. The Government needs successes to present them on
July, LET'S DEFEAT THEM! On these months
reaction gambles with the whole "stabilization"
and must show some "victories" by July
28: LET'S DEFEAT THEM!
In conclusion, the Third Campaign
to Impulse the Development of Support Bases is ample and
overwhelming. From the onset, it sets forth solid bases for
the new plan.
II. ON FIVE
PROBLEMS.
1. On the XI
Anniversary of the People's War: The document of the Second
Plenum and others; apply the new form we have
initiated.
2. On the Fifth
Anniversary of the Day of Heroism. Yearly campaign in the
entire country. Objectives (See the document Preparatory
Session of II Plenum of the Central Committee, p. 260): A
fighting instrument allowing us to unmask this whole farce
form its roots, wholly, amply and completely, all this
putrescent pieces of junk they present as a supposed
`democracy.' By exposing this rotten system, we also depict
how the New Democracy is and what is the Democracy the New
Power is building for the masses, how that is the only
Democracy truly serving the people. It helps us to propagate
and defend the interests of the class and of the people,
fulfilled as people's rights, as counterpart to the
so-called `human rights,' which is a bourgeois position.
Also, it helps us to analyze the genocide, the monstrosity
and barbarity it represents, and all the judicial charade
that was involved. We must completely unmask those false
congressional hearing and resolutions about the genocide at
Lurigancho and El Fronton. Finally, it helps us to unmask
completely that genocidal demagogue Garcia Perez, the
infamous officials who consented to the genocide, those who
supported it and defend it, the false `dissenters' and the
political trafficking they do around the genocide, too late,
after they called it a `provocation,' then a killing, and
later genocide, looking for water they can take to their
reactionary mills.
Expose also, as a sample of what
the reactionary justice and system are, the parliamentary
maneuvers about the genocide, as it is aired nowadays. We
must cause all that to come out public always paying
attention the problem of the contradictions in the
reactionary camp, those arising in political organizations
like United Left and others; to clarify responsibilities and
unmask.
This campaign will serve the masses
and the people to understand that the Party led that heroic
action, that the Party is the legitimate defender of the
rights of the people. The Party must serve to support and
strengthen the daily struggle of the comrades, fighters and
friends in the Shining Combat Trenches, who never bent nor
will ever bend their knees. Let the glorious Day of Heroism
be celebrated as it corresponds. All that will help the
conquest of Power in the country and will serve communists
and revolutionaries worldwide.
ON GENOCIDE
(pages 362 and 363, Document of the Second Plenum.) In the
concrete program (of the Party), see about how to handle the
rights and duties, and how to use legal situations to unmask
reaction, to defend the rights of the people, to create
favorable public opinion in the country and abroad. It would
be also convenient to see how reaction has manipulated the
matter of the genocide. Concretely, study the genocide and
see there how the accusation against Garcia Perez has
evolved.
GENOCIDE. Flores Polo in his
juridical dictionary defines it as a crime with no name.
Reputedly, it was Lemkin, a Polish criminal law attorney
(penologist), the first to use the term in its present
meaning: a mass slaughter with the deliberate purpose of
totally or partially destroying a human group. Technically,
it is some kind of continuous crime. The Convention on
Genocide, approved by the U.N.'s Third General Assembly has
been in force since January 12, 1951. According to the
international criminal law, it is a common
offense.
The above definition is very brief,
but gives us an idea. Study this problem, consult texts,
books on genocide, such as texts on the process at
Nuremberg, when the Nazis were charged with that crime and
sentenced to death. Also how this problem has been dealt in
Perú, how it has been treated as part of the
accusation against Alan Garcia, it serves our purposes, it
is one more element of judgement to expose how the
possibility of a trial on this grievous crime is denied in
Perú. Get the documents of the Parliamentary
Commission. There are several testimonies by the general
commanders themselves. The crime of genocide was not
stipulated in the Penal Code, but the accusation against
Garcia Perez was for homicide. See also the trial in the
Second Judicial Zone of the police about Lurigancho, as well
as about El Fronton and any others there may be.
The matter of the genocide must be
studied well, pointing facts and data to formulate a
denunciation. If the crime of genocide is not legislated nor
litigated in Perú, do it in Costa Rica, there the
problem would be if the countries making up the Inter
American Court adhere to the U.N. Declaration or if, being
the U.N. who approved the Genocide Convention, it
automatically applies. In that case think of Geneva. See
also about the need of a small group studying this problem
so as to file the denunciation and follow its course
thereafter. For instance, get a lawyer from abroad to handle
the matter, then use it for propaganda increasing volume and
sound effects, think about newspapers in the United States
and Europe, taking care not to vitiate what is being
proposed. All that would help to form public opinion. It is
a fighting weapon we must use well. It must be part of the
celebration of the V Anniversary of the Day of Heroism. Keep
in mind the document, "Glory to the Day of
Heroism!" it may be used now to write a pamphlet and
raise awareness on the campaign of the First
Anniversary.
See also the notes of the December
1990 meeting of the Political Bureau: "GENOCIDE. FIFTH
ANNIVERSARY OF THE DAY OF HEROISM. SLOGANS: GLORY TO THE
HEROES OF THE PEOPLE; FOR THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE; THE
PEOPLE WILL PUNISH THE GUILTY ONES. GENOCIDE IN THE
TRENCHES, including the legal process, its current
situation, analysis and conclusions. Annual Campaign for the
Fifth Anniversary."
Counterpoise their so-called
"human rights" (DDHH) with the people's
rights (DDPP). Take as an example the Day of Heroism,
it is a key historical fact to disembowel their "human
rights" and at the same time that false bourgeois democracy,
all its putrefaction. Fight for a New State, only the
revolution can guarantee the rights of the people freely and
permanently, the rights wrested away with their blood, and
the bourgeoisie puts them on the Constitution, or Magna
Carta as they call it. But since those from above continue
to rule, these rights are not respected and remain mere
words written on paper, they are something like burned
paper, useless to the people, good only to the exploiters.
For them, yes, there are constitutional
protections.
To expand the analysis on the
genocide, the Communist Party of Peru will develop a
document, in addition to the pronouncements of several
organizations: lawyers, of relatives of prisoners, of
political prisoners, of the generated organizations, of
struggle committees, trade unions, industrial unions,
neighborhoods and young towns, students, etc. The Party's
People's Assistance Committee (Socorro Popular) must analyze
everything reaction publishes in that regard, for instance
Sunday articles of El Comercio of Lima, from April 21, 1991.
Prepare a poster and postcard, mass events, well protected
open celebrations, public celebrations, art, music, dance,
theater, painting, sculpture, embroidery, poetry, multiple
ideas the masses create and express the people's character
of the art. The comrades should strive to advance popular
art, like those famous works in stone, fish bones and
extraordinary tapestries left by the heroes of El Fronton,
Lurigancho and El Callao. Reproduce their music, the
cassette of 1984 in El Callao, the last one from El Fronton
with huaynos sung using new lyrics, the last one from
Lurigancho (the one denouncing a Lima radio station, "The
People Talks . . . ").
Form a Commission presided by xxx
and supported by yyy, to write a well-prepared document
based on facts and in law. Attend the Costa Rican Commission
of Human Rights and its Tribunal, to have access to the
tribunal one must go through any State or the Inter American
Human Rights Committee (or Human Rights Commission), so we
should appeal to this Commission first. We should study all
possible materials on this: Report of the Ames Commission,
Piquera's Report on the paramilitary, etc. In a Report by
the majority of a Congressional Commission, senator Biaggi
said that if there was an offense, it was not by Garcia
Perez but by the Attorney General (fiscal) Elejalde, that
opinion is very important because it is coming even from an
APRA member. The positions aired in the accusation against
Garcia Perez, presented before the house of representatives
on July 29, 1990 (all of them) must be objectively analyzed,
so we can base our accusation on their own words, that way
they will have no basis to accuse us of being subjective or
showing prejudice, leave no room to any of their objections.
It is fundamental that our accusations are accurate and
undisputed. We have plenty of evidence. The issue is to use
it from our class position.
It is very good that they provide
us with documents of the constitutional accusation:
The first document, intervention by R. Letts in the
House of Representatives, says:"Therefore, we call
this event as the genocide in the prisons on June 18-19 of
1986." The document proposes the case must be tried
by the judiciary as a "violation of the constitutional
order and the Penal Code and that the essence of the
evidence is in the Order issued by former President Garcia,
which violated articles first and second of the
Constitution, the right to life." It
continues:"There was direct relationship between the
Order issued by the President of the Republic and the
leading role he played to carry it out, his leadership,
presiding the Council, the initiatives he took and the large
number of lives lost as a result of such Order . . . Our
findings reveal there was a direct relationship between the
Order and the results it followed, besides, during the
handling of the execution of the Order, there were
important, notorious and precise violations of the
constitutional order and the Penal Code." He
adds, "the Sendero Luminoso prisoners, of the
Communist Party of Perú, Sendero Luminoso, mutinied
in the three Lima prisons: Lurigancho, El Fronton and the
Women's prison at El Callao. As a result of the armed
intervention ordered by the President to the Joint Command
of the Armed Forces, 124 prisoners were killed in the
Lurigancho Industrial Pavilion, 119 in El Fronton Blue
Pavilion, and two in Santa Barbara, a total of 244 prisoners
were killed or murdered, as the case may be in the course of
approximately 12 hours." Another paragraph
says: "The Order given by the President to the Joint
Military Command was summarized in four expressions: to act
decisively, to act energetically, to act within the least
possible time, and try to save the lives of the hostages . .
. without mentioning a word on the lives of 350 mutinied
persons. We believe that this Executive Order contained the
essence of the matter . . . "
Another interesting situation is
the reference to the unconstitutional dispositions and
decrees they made when they put down the mutiny, and all was
finalized to cover up their crime:"... It was
necessary that on June 19, when the genocide was consummated
by evening time, the official minutes of the Council of
Ministers -Cabinet Members examined by the Ames Commission
shows they approved and issued a totally unconstitutional
Supreme Decree called 006-85-JUSTICE in order to create
additional restricted military zones in the three prisons,
and leave them under the control and jurisdiction of the
Joint Command of the Armed Forces during the time the state
of emergency lasted, which was decreed on June 2, 16 days
before the genocide."
"... It is our viewpoint that
the decree was issued not to put down the mutiny, which had
already finished, and had concluded in a pile of human
bodies, but to hide the evidence -tracks, fingerprints and
other indicators about the operation that had been carried
out, and the crimes committed. Therefore, in that sense the
first and foremost responsibility also lies with the then
President of the Republic, who presided the Council of
Ministers and took the initiative to carry out the genocide,
who had the leadership, and who of course signed the
decree."
"And that decree approved by
the Council of Ministers on June 19, was published in the
official paper after the facts, since the Order to publish
it on El Peruano was delivered on June 24 at 11:45 a.m. That
is, there is no doubt that said supreme decree had no legal
validity at any time on June 19, and it was agreed upon
after all was consummated. Therefore, the Armed Forces
entrance to the prisons was absolutely unconstitutional,
absolutely illegal . . . " It goes on with a part
which corroborates once more what the Party denounced right
away on June 19 and a few days later about the genocide: the
presence of Mantilla to withdraw the civil authorities from
the prisons, and the insistence at all times from Garcia
Perez to put down the mutiny and safeguard his prestige
before the Socialist International at the time meeting in
Lima.
"... However, on June 18 and
19, the President of the Republic was constantly pushing,
urging with that personal political Force we know he has for
the military to enter. He made sure that the then Vice
Minister of Interior Agustin Mantilla was present at El
Fronton at 14:50 of the 18th to make sure the withdrawal of
the prison authorities, and the civilian judges, who were
there as part of their routine functions, because he had
decided they should act along with the Armed forces. That
was all, absolutely illegal, and the President headed it
all."
Later on it disagrees with the
majority opinion, which stated that the President was ill
informed by the military commands. It denounced also that
five of the six official communiques emitted were falsified
and signed only by Garcia Perez and not known by the Council
of Ministers.
If we compare all this with the
Party's denunciation in that small but significant
resolution, there we accused Garcia Perez of the execrable
genocide, his Council of Ministers, his armed Forces and
police forces, the political parties, who knew everything,
and the sacrosanct Catholic Church, Garcia Perez being the
main genocidal.
But in following lines, the
document falls in the ambiguities inherent to those who
sustain the Old State, to consider: "we believe that here we
may have a case of a preter-intentional offense."
Unbelievable! What is that? Is it a genocide perpetrated by
Garcia Perez and company, or is it a preter- intentional
offense? It is genocide committed with premeditation, sadism
and advantage, prepared as shown by the denunciations made
by the political prisoners (and which show in the Acts of
the Judicial Power) and by newspapers like El Nuevo Diario,
which then had nothing to do with us. Also, the pattern
shown by the genocides committed by Garcia Perez and his
armed forces in Accomarca, Pucayacu, Umaru, Bellavista,
Ayacucho and the October 4 genocide at Lurigancho, including
his personal opinions stated at "social" meetings such as
the following:"What would happen if we finished off all
imprisoned Senderistas?"
Another interesting question, it
says, "that voting in the Commission, caused that a
majority headed by Romualdo Biaggi, however, to adopt the
impetus of the text and accuracy of the facts contained in
the opinion of the minority, presided by Rolando
Ames....That this APRA majority, in this Commission, also
found enough basis for the constitutional indictment
(accusation), only it did not believe the culprit was Dr.
Garcia Perez, but Dr. Cesar Elejalde." It means that
even the APRA hacks thought there was room for the judicial
process against Garcia, since Senator Biaggi is an Aprista,
and that they would like to indict (accuse) Elejalde, the
Nation's Attorney General, All that is very good.
Second document:
Constitutional Accusation for the Genocide in the prisons on
June 18 and 19, 1986.
It says, "we request that
former President Garcia be accused of punishable violation
of rights consecrated by the Constitution and for punishable
acts that violates the International Agreements on Human
Rights signed by Peru, concerning genocide and by the
National Penal Code as preter-intentional genocide,
committed with cruelty and ferocity . . . "
"Abuse of Authority, an offense against the
Administration of Justice and of Violence and Resistance to
authority . . . " "This Constitutional Accusation seeks to
open up the way for a later criminal action against the
former President of the Republic . . . "; "...
it is a political decision . . . it is not then a
jurisdictional decision. Therefore, it does not have the
elements nor consequences of a Res Judicata.
"
Notice two things here: it's an
accusation for genocide as recognized by International
Agreements signed by the Republic of Perú. And, two,
it's not Res Judicata, of course it is not because
Parliament did not try it. It formulates the accusation and
defines whether or not there is merit for the Judicial Power
to try the matter. Pay attention to the signatures, those
are persons not just from so-called United Left, and that
helps to substantiate our accusation, signing it too, are
Rojas Tafur, Letts Colmenares, Baca Luna and Quintanilla, E.
Calmell del Solar, Aurelio Loret de Mola, Rafael Rey, M.
Roggero, the four last ones from the Movement
Libertad.
Chapter II, point two, states that
the President informed the Council of Ministers, Joint
Command of the Armed Forces, and Peace Commission on issues
that artificially magnified the facts ending up with
"which will not be tolerated" and that for the
Commission that is the evidence that "this line of
action provides evidence of the intent to artificially
magnified the facts." In point three, "It is
evident that . . . the President executes actions during the
events guided by certain invariable criteria, which are, to
assume personally and strictly control of the situation and
the reestablishing of order, not considering --and even
knowingly exceeding-- the breach in the legal and
constitutional order, and the fracture of individual rights
and guarantees, to achieve resolution of the problem using
instruments legally and professionally inadequate such as
the Armed Forces, and of means absolute out of proportion to
the objectives; to guarantee a later cover of immunity for
the acts of the Armed Forces and National Police . . .
"; "... the message of June 21 ... greets the
action of the Armed Forces and declares that a precedent has
been set on how a democratic government invested of
authority must act." Very good! This allows to defeat
that "preter-intentional" escape
route.
They say, "... Therefore, the
agreement of attempting to dissuade through the Peace
Commission is not convincing, and the latter is only charged
with going to El Fronton, but decides to go on its own to
the other two prisons." It's good because it
counterpoises what Garcia says about first having tried
persuasion by sending the Peace commission to the
prisons.
Point five says that Garcia
knowingly and deliverately trespassed the lawful juridical
order, part of this is the presence of Mantilla at El
Fronton. Here, what interests us is to see the note attached
to the document, in which the opinion of general Ismael
Araujo, chief of the Second Military Region is: "There
were many consultations on the precipitation with which
Garcia urged general Monzon, President of the Joint Command
of the Armed Forces, whom he phoned often," "how about it?
," "When are you going to act? ," "At what time
are you starting it? ," "But what are you waiting for to
start the thing?"
The note also says that general
Monzon, questioned if militarily the mutinies were such a
danger that warranted speed over dissuasion, which could
have reduced the number of dead, he answered, "to us
it was an order from the Supreme Chief of the Armed Forces
-the President and we had to obey it."
In point 10 they state that the
issuance of Supreme Decree 066-85-JUSTICE had the purpose of
covering up evidence of what happened.
Point 13 says Garcia condemned the
so-called excesses at Lurigancho, but not the slaughter of
El Fronton. It's good because nobody says anything about El
Fronton, and there the Navy of Peru acted. In Chapter III
they clearly describe how the Armed Forces "obeyed
order . . . with swiftness and violence," but they
exonerate themselves by saying they obeyed an order from
their Supreme chief. Why wasn't the order questioned? Aren't
they the ones charged with ensuring the compliance with the
Constitution?
Point three refers to the idea
Garcia defended during the process as "having helped
to show the country how the authority of the government had
been imposed" and "congratulated the Joint
Command for such speedy compliance."
Point four calls it the
"engine of the operative," it says the action
culminated with "the demolition of El Fronton and the
destruction of the Industrial Pavilion at
Lurigancho."
Point five is very good, it deals
with the matter of intentional infraction, and its
differences with unintentional, with negligence and it's
based on article 100 of the Penal Code.
Point six refers to the denial made
by the General Commander of the Navy, vice-admiral Victor
Nicolini del Castillo, the General Commander of the Air
Force, lieutenant general FAP Luis Abram Cavallerino and the
General Commander of the Army General Guillermo Monzon
Arrunategui, on the assertion that the government had just
learned about the facts on June 21 from the report by the
Joint Command of the Armed Forces: "... he was
informed of everything since he gave the terms of the order
-a bloody and atrocious operation." "... he ordered `to
reestablish order in the prisons with the maximum energy
allowed by Law, preserving if possible the lives of the
hostages and rescuing the principle of authority' (Act of
the Council of Ministers June 18, 1986)." It says
that General Monzon specified, "this military action
is a combat action inserted in the `counterinsurgency
strategy,' subtracted from the humanitarian right in war
and, contrary to the Geneva Convention, it is legitimate
violent reprisal with genocidal intent, extrajudicial
executions and the disallowance of the human rights by the
subversives and presumed subversives."
Point seven mentions the articles
violated, and indicates that conclusion 22 of the opinion of
the majority of the Commission is a mask of the crime
committed disallowing the sacred bounds of the human person,
of the Public Ministry and the Judiciary.
Point eight identifies the names of
those responsible for the genocide ordered by Garcia, for
instance Abel Salinas, Luis Gonzalez Posada, Jorge Flores
Torres (Minister of War), Julio Daniel Pacheco (Minister of
the Navy), Jose Guerra Lorenzetti (Minister of Aeronautics).
Here too, it is defined as "execrable
genocide."
Chapter IV established two forms of
reasoning, here we can expose that charge of
"preter-intentional" offense, destroy it.
Chapter V sets legal
responsibilities and that "the conduct of Garcia can
be specified as of an author of a crime against human life
and health"; "guilty of the crime of Violence and Resistance
to Authority (article 321 of the Penal Code . . . aggravated
by the second paragraph which increases the punishment
because he was a public official." But we saw before
how Peru has subscribed an International Pact which mentions
genocide and we must apply besides of the violations of
articles 332, 337, etc., of the Peruvian Constitution. For
example the Motion at the end speaks only about a
massacre.
The 3rd Document: On the
Special Commission Finding a Constitutional Accusation,
formed on September 25, 1990 by Pedro Alvaro
Calderón, P. Ceteriano, E. Calmell del Solar, from
the Movement Libertad. Here it states that Garcia attended
to make his defense: the wording is, "already the Ames
Commission addressed it and was rejected by
parliament." He acknowledged a crime was committed
but not his but of the Republican Guard. Garcia claimed that
violence was not applied, but the first thing tried was
persuasion when the Peace Commission and the Nation's
Attorney General before the Armed Forces acted. But this is
contradicted by Cabieses himself, who presided over the
Peace Commission, who said they went to two of the three
prisons on their own, and the Attorney General said,
"it looks like there was a battle here"; besides,
Garcia had already been instigating the genocide. The
military themselves denounced that he insisted and insisted,
called repeatedly to find out if it had been put down, but
Garcia recognizes that he gave the order. He invokes that
Lima was under a State of Emergency. About the sudden burial
of the prisoners of war by the Armed Forces, before dawn, in
several cemeteries in the Department of Lima, he replied
that it was necessary for the public order and security, for
public health reasons. However, Luis Alberto Sanchez himself
told foreign reporters the bodies would be handed over to
their families and would be given "a Christian
burial." Garcia also adduces that the prisons were
"restricted areas," but there is no such legal
term. It is very interesting to see how in his speech he
blames everybody trying to save himself. It is useful to
learn about the character of this individual, and how he is
capable of anything as long as he saves his skin.
Salinas too made his own plead of
"innocence," he must be unmasked. Zimmerman
says that it was a planned and premeditated crime. Mantilla
claims he knows nothing. Cabieses says Mantilla made an
"exhortation" at El Fronton, and that they were
not allowed in Lurigancho. Furthermore, they went to this
prison and to the women's prison and they went on their own.
Clearly we see how the "Peace Commission" was
used by Garcia, but the "useful fools" allowed
themselves to be used. Therefore, they consented to the
genocide. Did any of them condemn the premeditated plan? Did
they demand that Garcia revoke that order? Or Did they move
heaven and earth trying to save the lives of the prisoners?
They cannot be acquitted, but they must be differentiated in
degree of responsibility from Garcia Perez, the Council of
Ministers, and the Armed Forces.
Document three details what Garcia
used to say at Presidential breakfasts and lunches,
"and what would happen if we get rid of all the
Senderistas in prison? Nothing," we would say
"they were a demonic organization." If that's what he
thought, then what "persuasion" is he talking
about? A crude farce to cover himself up, we must show the
intent he had. For instance, he used to say that "the
prisons were free territories" and that "no one
knew what Sendero Luminoso was doing there."
The armed force commanders state
that it was not in their competence to act, but that of the
police. The document also says, and it is very useful, that
the motive the mutineers had was to enforce compliance with
the Consent Agreement they reached with the prison
authorities in June, but this date is wrong: The actual
Consent Agreement was by both parties (the Government and
the prisoners) on 16 July 1985.
The Chief Directors of the
Republican Guard, Martinez Lira says that he and his troops
presented themselves at Lurigancho following a request by
General Monzon, "with whom he had communicated through
a phone call he received from the President himself."
He says that "his presence had the purpose of
substituting the lack of a written order demanded by Colonel
Narciso Azabache. But in no way, it was his attribution to
give orders because General Rabanal was present there.
Therefore, due to his situation he was there merely as an
administrative and not an operative
officer."
"He couldn't understand the
acts of Colonel Cabezas who worked as Commander of the
Organic Counterinsurgency Regiment, a Permanent Reserve Unit
of the Supreme Command serving the requirements in emergency
zones."
Martinez Lira says that when he
learned about the execution of 124 prisoners in Lurigancho,
he reported about it to general Monzon, and the latter
congratulated him in his name and in the name of the
President of the Republic. Then, he said that Salinas
(Minister of Interior) called him to remind him,
"leave for us a few prisoners alive." His
opinion is also important, "the bloodshed could well
have been avoided if other means had been tried, such as
cutting off drinking water supply, electricity, etc., which
was not done."
He denounces that on June 13, 1985,
there was a surprise emergency meeting at the Government
Palace to "brainwash them" and they were told
"about subversion, how bad the problem was looking,
the need to finish off terrorism and that President Garcia
didn't want any more prisoners in the jails," that
vice-minister Mantilla, the Joint Command of the Armed
Forces, the Supreme Directors of the Investigative Police
(PIP), and of the Civil Guard, the chiefs of the National
Intelligence Service (SIN)and Army Intelligence Service
(SIE), among others, were there; that it was Garcia who
spoke and also a PIP Commander spoke.
We must transcribe and analyze the
military texts about subversion, doctrine, guerrilla
warfare, urban warfare. There is where they describe what
steps, and what weapons they can use to fight disturbances,
and then compare each of these elements with what happened
during the genocide. Also, read the Magazine "Oiga" of that
date (June 13, 1986.)
Garcia attended the Commission a
second time, and said he had not said what Zimmerman claimed
he had said. We can quote Zimmerman and ask him who else was
at that breakfast; the Minister of Justice (Gonzales Posada)
may had been one of them.
There's also the matter of "res
judicata" (tried matter), and they destroyed it. Well, for
us, use it and go deeper. Garcia knows, as the lawyer he is
that there is no room for "res judicata." He is a demagogue.
He steps over the rights of others, and violates blatantly
the Constitution. We insist that in penal law, the
qualifications of the individual (character, etc.) are very
important.
It is very important to define the
main crime: Genocide, no need to get ourselves entangled in
various offenses since that hides the main one. Prior to the
events, Garcia said there was a more acute environment of
violence, as the papers reported. See Expreso, for example.
He said that the Senderista leadership was concentrated in
El Fronton, and that it was liberated territory. He twisted
the facts in the Council of Ministers itself. It is
important to show how in the opinion of those present,
Garcia wanted to brainwash them.
Later on, show that what we did was
a complete success, a victory product of a plan for a
specific demand, the compliance of 10 points we were
demanding. We demanded that the condition of special
prisoners we wrested away, as a step in the struggle to be
recognized as political prisoners and then as prisoners of
war, be complied with. This document records it and was an
act ratified by the APRA Government on October 31, 1985,
signed by Apristas in the Government such as Aquezolo, Aurea
Saenz; and on October 4, 1985, there had already been an
Aprista annihilation of 30 Lurigancho political prisoners.
This proves that the genocide was planned and premeditated
and we so denounced it. We even filed actions of protection,
and judge Paz de la Barra had just signed it on the day the
events took place. It says that prisoners were unhappy
because that Act was not comply with by the prison
authorities.
On the other hand, see our actions
from the transfers of prisoners from their points of origin
to Lima; their concentration in El Fronton, in British
Pavilion, the January 15 struggle (death of Comrade
Mauricia), the July 13, 1985 joint struggle to wrest away
the Consent Agreement (el Acta), which was finalized, their
willful noncompliance, up to the denouncement of the
genocide, the series of judicial petitions we filed in
Court, such as the action for protection three months before
the facts, signed by Judge Paz de la Barra on the same day
of the events. The attitude of judicial authorities and of
the Public Ministry until the genocide was consummated. Let
it be clear that our denunciations were not being heard
because there was prejudice. Since the times of Belaunde, we
were given the label of "terrorists." The words
of Vice-admiral G. Cafferata speak for itself: "they
are `subhuman'," (insert the source and date.) In
addition, we must transcribe the petitions and motions filed
before the judges on behalf of the prisoners.
OTHER MATTERS In
order to acquit themselves from the genocide, the military
blames everything on Garcia, and has no choice to release
issues that are useful to us. Nicolini says the purpose was
to do us propaganda, Flores Torres says it was for
publicity, but then there is no connection between these
answers and the facts. Abram Cavallerino says he didn't know
that there was a civil war in the country, etc., as Garcia
said:"The national order is disturbed." We must
go to a law dictionary, such as the one of Cabanillas', to
define whether it is public order or national order. The
fact is that the prisoners did not compromise the national
security, and therefore, there was no justification to hand
the matter over to the armed forces (for their
annihilation).
Analyze articles 21 and 22 of Law
Decree (DL) 217; article four section "J" of DL 117; article
23 of DL 330. Who can determine that the armed forces enter
a prison? That should have been handled as an `internal
order' problem. Show how in Peru the State of Emergency is
the routine, and not an exception, use what we studied at
the Second Plenum, the international documents, the meeting
with Siracusa.
Unmask and denounce Garcia's
petition to lift his own immunity, which was just another
one of his poses, of his show offs, of his
demagoguery.
Let's denounce those who did not
attend the vote (in Congress) because they acted as
accomplices trying to cover up the genocidal demagogue, and
of the execrable and vile genocide itself, committed against
communists, fighters and revolutionary masses led by and
identified with the Communist Party of Perú. There
are rumors that these cowards were bribed: investigate and
prove. Gerardo Lopez, of Cambio 90, did not attend. State
the facts and document the evidence. Besides, let's show the
collusion between APRA with this government
(Fujimori.)
In general, base the denunciations
with solid and incriminating evidence based on law and
facts.
- 1. clear facts
- 2. publish documents
and
- 3. political situation of
yesterday and today: both seek to annihilate the People's
War.
The process of the denunciation we
filed (which they did not accept here,) go through the
motions in Costa Rica, take into account the parliamentary
accusation, it must be shown clearly that here there is no
chance to litigate in Perú, and appeal to the
Commission of Human Rights in Costa Rica is
necessary.
Spread the information in the
United States and in Europe, the political situations there
provide some margin to do this, but not security. We should
not be certain they will admit it either, but even if they
reject the denunciation, we must use it to denounce the
genocide before the people in our country and
abroad.
HOW
TO CARRY OUT THE CAMPAIGN IN PERU? Our focus is the People's
War, and aim for a great celebration of the Day of Heroism!
(The campaign here will last an entire year). Mention rights
of the people: denounce the rotten nature of the old order,
its old "democracy," its Old State and its
"human rights." Support the struggles for
economic demands by the masses in function of conquering
Power; link it with the great process of People's War and
explosiveness of the masses. Denounce how the Fujimori
regime spread hunger on the proletariat and workers in
general, it takes the lands of the peasants away, and all
who protest are persecuted, repressed, jailed, murdered.
Denounce the genocide perpetrated in the Shining Trenches of
Combat on June 1986, as part of the genocide against the
entire people committed by Belaunde, Garcia and now
Fujimori. That is because the People's War is a continuation
of the political struggles of the masses by other means.
Mobilize the masses as much as possible for the campaign,
linking it to their daily struggles: use clear and concise
slogans. Plan the beginning of the campaign, special
political situation in May, June and July. Unmask and fight
their "human rights." Raise the subject of the rights of the
people; let there be ideological and political struggles;
Let our denunciation and acts be stunning ideologically and
politically developed and useful to unite the people, aimed
at building the United Front of the Revolution. Develop the
campaign at all levels: Party, People's Army, New Power,
masses.
Appeal to international
organizations: Jurists; Amnesty International, Red Cross,
etc., provide them documentation.
To develop and implement the plan,
all organisms working in that front must develop and submit
documents.
WHAT IS REACTION UP TO? Be
alert, in May, June, July their situation will be difficult,
and they need to hit us and hit the people. They need to
show "successes" in their first year in
government. They will seek to contain the explosiveness of
the masses and as usual boasting on their "final
blow" on the People's War. They will enhance their
"intelligence," but they need to hit us since
in reality they have no "new strategy." We must
prevent and frustrate the blow they seek, so they cannot hit
the people with impunity, and denounce them.
Denounce also the genocide this
government (Fujimori) is perpetrating, the most
pro-imperialist yet, mercenary of Yankee imperialism, acting
in collusion with revisionism and opportunism to contain the
people's struggle, and annihilate the People's War, which
today enters the strategic equilibrium.
It is a genocide managed and led by
Yankee imperialism, availed by the Fujimori regime, the
armed forces and police, revisionism and all of reaction, so
as to apply their plan, fetter the struggle of the masses,
and annihilate the People's War.
Actions must be well prepared,
bold, and develop fully "Combat and Resist," be
ready to pay whatever quota (cost of war) is necessary, and
toil so losses will be the minimum possible, developing
adequately the plans.
Another matter, it's almost three
years since the death of Comrade Cesar and five years of
Comrade Vasquez. Both of them were lawyers who tirelessly
defended prisoners, and who give up their lives for a just
cause. Let us remember them, and denounce the vile and
sadist manner of the crime against the first one, and the
disappearance of the other by police forces (DIRCOTE). They
are two heroes of the people.
Denounce the rape of women; the
students who were blown up; the mass slaughters of peasants;
the armed forces' policy of: "steal everything, burn
everything and kill everybody." This regime, even
less than the former ones, can claim to be defending or
upholding "human rights." The Fujimori regime
is more discredited than the two prior ones, and has lost
credibility in less time. It is our task to show the masses
how they violate blatantly the rights and demo-bourgeois
freedoms, and express openly fascist positions. Especially
now, that mercenary of imperialism, mainly Yankee
imperialism, the cunning and sneaky murderer
Fujimori.
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May, 1991
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PCP-CENTRAL COMMITTEE
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