Saturday, March 3, 2018

Noticias de Palestina

La ONU está preocupada por la violencia excesiva de los soldados israelíes contra los palestinos y el aumento de los homicidios(PN) 13.02.2018 - En su boletín mensual de enero de 2018, OCHA, la Oficina de Coordinación de Asuntos Humanitarios de las Naciones Unidas, señaló el aumento de las muertes y de heridos palestinos por parte de soldados israelíes como "alarmantes" y habló de "violencia excesiva". Al 30 de enero de 2018, habían muerto 20 palestinos y un israelí, y más de 5.100 palestinos y 17 israelíes resultaron heridos.

Enfrentamientos entre jóvenes palestinos y unidades israelíes durante las protestas del 12 de diciembre de 2017 en Belén (Foto: OCHA)

17 de los palestinos muertos ocurrieron durante las protestas contra la declaración del presidente de Estados Unidos como capital de Israel a Jerusalén o durante una de las más de 650 acciones de búsqueda y captura del ejército israelí. Ocho palestinos fueron asesinados en Cisjordania y nueve en la Franja de Gaza. Cuatro de los asesinados eran niños palestinos de la edad de 16 años.

En las protestas contra Trump y su decisión sobre Jerusalén el 6 de diciembre, el ejército israelí respondió con pistolas de gas lacrimógeno, el uso de balas de acero recubiertas de goma y munición real, así como la violencia física.

La mayoría de las bajas palestinas por parte de soldados israelíes en el período transcurrido desde la declaración del presidente Trump hasta fines de enero, según la ONU, se encontraban en el distrito de Nablus. Aquí el ejército hirió a 1.122 palestinos. Jericho 760 palestinos resultaron heridos en Ramallah 606. En Tulkarem, en el noroeste de la Ribera Occidental, 481 palestinos fueron heridos por las fuerzas israelíes en Jerusalén 338. En la Franja de Gaza, incluyendo la ciudad de Gaza sufrió heridas 726 palestinos en enfrentamientos con la potencia ocupante. En Qalqiliya, en Cisjordania, en la Línea Verde, se lamentaron 305 heridos. La mayoría de los más de 5.100 heridos palestinos resultaron heridos por los gases lacrimógenos intenso y la atención médica necesaria, seguido por lesiones causadas por balas de goma y acero municiones.


La mitad de los  palestinos asesinados se produjeron en la Franja de Gaza como resultado de disparos de soldados israelíes ubicados al otro lado de la cerca fronteriza. Aquí, también hubo un 21 por ciento de todos los heridos dentro del período. Los puntos focales en Cisjordania, donde hubo violencia por las fuerzas israelíes contra los palestinos, el puesto de control de Huwwara cerca de Nablus, Beit El, cerca de Ramallah, Kalandia en Jerusalén y Gilo, cerca de Belén, también fueron controlados por Israel Ciudad de Hebron, la entrada a Jericó y algunas entradas a la ciudad vieja de Jerusalén.

Mayor número de heridos en diciembre de 2017


Desde la Franja de Gaza, numerosos cohetes y granadas de facciones palestinas no pertenecientes a Hamas fueron derribados en Israel. Sólo un pequeño número de ellos en realidad aterrizó en Israel, causando daños menores y no hubo víctimas, muchos ya estaban derribados dentro de la Franja de Gaza  o han sido neutralizado por la defensa aérea de Israel. A su vez, Israel realizó ataques aéreos contra objetivos militares en la Franja de Gaza, matando a tres palestinos, incluido un civil, e hiriendo a 25 civiles, incluidos nueve niños.


El mayor número de palestinos heridos o muertos por las fuerzas israelíes en solo un mes fue en diciembre de 2017 con 4.574 heridos y 14 muertos. Esto fue seguido por el mes de julio de 2017 con 1,771 palestinos heridos y también 14 muertos.


En relación con la matanza de palestinos en enfrentamientos en la valla fronteriza en la Franja de Gaza, en la que soldados israelíes mataron incluyendo una pierna amputada palestinos en una silla de ruedas con un disparo en la cabeza, a pesar de que no representaba el menor peligro, el Alto Comisionado para los Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas se sorprendió y encontró evidencia "de que la violencia que emanaba de las fuerzas israelíes no estaba en línea con la situación de peligro". El Alto Comisionado de la ONU pidió a Israel que inicie una investigación independiente sobre las lesiones o muertes que se han producido con el objetivo de "juzgar a los responsables de los crímenes cometidos".




Compartir:

https://palaestina-nachrichten.de/

UN besorgt über exzessive Gewalt von israelischen Soldaten gegen Palästinenser und zunehmende Tötungen





Zusammenstöße zwischen palästinensischen Jugendlichen und israelischen Einheiten bei Protesten am 12. Dezember 2017 in Bethlehem (Foto: OCHA)
Höchste Zahl der Verletzten im Dezember 2017

Friday, March 2, 2018

BRASIL: NOTICIAS AGRARIAS

Thursday, March 1, 2018

Centre for Studies of the marxism-leninism-maoism of Brasil: Celebrate the 170 years of the Manifesto of the Communist Party




Celebrate the 170 years of the Manifesto of the Communist Party


Centre for Studies of the marxism-leninism-maoism

In the current month of February, 2018, exact 170 years of the first Manifesto of the Communist Party written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels is reached. In this same year the International Communist Movement (ICM) and the masses of the whole world celebrate the 200 years of the birth of the great Karl Marx. This great date is an important occasion to reaffirm the fill validity of the principles established in this monumental work for the proletariat of the whole world.

The Manifesto established for the first time the fundamental principles and the program of the international proletariat – through which its Party arose, built upon its image and similarity, as an independent party and opposed to all the other existing parties in history, the communist Party. Because of this, it is also the birth certificate of the International communist Movement and its most fundamental unity base.

The principles established by the 1948 Manifesto are immortal and essential for the communists, “are the principles and the program unfolded by the international proletariat, which will lead humanity to a New World, to a classless society, Communism“(1). The birth of the International changed the face of the world and humanity history forever.

Based on these fundamental principles, the international proletariat developed three great stages, marxism-leninism-maoism. Three high peaks that opened a New Era with the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917, raising the proletariat to the strategic equilibrium with the victory of the Great Chinese revolution of 1949, and which around 1980 with the people’s war in Peru it advanced to the stage of its strategic offensive, an offensive which needs to be propelled with more and more people’s wars in the whole world, to oppose the world Imperialist War to the world People’s War and sweep imperialism away from the face of earth.

All the revisionists in history, from Kautsky to Avakian had to throw themselves against the Manifesto. In the XXII Congress of the CPSU in 1961 Khrushchev affirmed that this was the new “Program of the communists” and Avakian affirmed that his “New Synthesis” was the “new Manifesto of the 21th century”.

Because of this, celebrating the 170 years of the publishing of the Manifesto we start from the necessity to study in its totality brought about by Chairman Gonzalo including all the prefaces and notes established since its first publishing in 1848 until the last preface written by Engels in 1893, which in addition to be an important guide to study its fundamental body (the text launched in 1848) it also serves to complement the principal part and to crush revisionist and academicist stands and other deviations. Then, with this important definition, Chairman Gonzalo raises the comprehension that all the prefaces and notes of Marx and Engels are also part of the very Manifesto.

As pointed out by Marx and Engels in the preface for the German version of June 1872 (2), the application and validity of the fundamental principles demonstrated in the Manifesto establish the necessity of its creative application on each epoch (today Marxism-leninism-maoism) and on each country (the need of the guiding thought): “the practical application of these principles will, always and in every place, depend on the existing historical circumstances, and that therefore, exclusive significance to the revolutionary measures enumerated in the chapter II is not conceded”.

One important question still that has to be pointed out, and is about a content of great significance for the ICM, it was Engels who defined as part of the Manifesto in the preface of 1883 the role of great leadership of Marx when affirming that “this fundamental idea belongs only and exclusively to Marx. I frequently declared it, but it is precisely now that this declaration is needed to be in the head of the own Manifesto”.

Engels affirmed correctly in the preface of the english edition of 1888 that: “the History of the 'Manifesto' reflects in a great amount the history of the modern movement of the working class”.
The Manifesto of the Communist Party was written by Marx and Engels between December 1847 and January 1848, commissioned by the Communist League, a clandestine international worker organization, which entrusted them to write a theoretical and practical program to be published. It was published for the first time in 1848 in London, England, and it was quickly translated into hundreds of idioms, reproduced millions of times, becoming the most important political document of all history.

The Manifesto is the first big event in the history of the proletarian movement, because with it, for the first time, the most revolutionary class of history was provided with a definitive program of thought and action to transform the whole world, to emancipate itself as a class and with this emancipating the whole humanity.

Engels points out in the preface of the English edition of 1888, that the defeat of the proletariat in the Journeys of June 1848 (first major battle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie), few months after the publishing of the Manifesto, relegated to the back burner, for some time, the social and political aspirations of the European working class. And afterwards when the Central Committee of the League of the Communists was arrested and condemned by the Prussian reaction in the famous Cologne Process of 1852, being the League disrupted, a period of dispersion of the proletariat was opened.

Decades of struggle were necessary for the proletariat to recover its strength for a new attack against the bourgeoisie. Hard years of struggle in order for – by the means of its direct revolutionary experience and in fierce struggle against all the strange concepts to its Class – the proletariat to raise the Manifesto making it return to emerge and demonstrating its validity, as the base of unity and single program of the proletariat, around which the communists could reorganize and reunite in the following decades.

“The working class of 1874, at the dissolution of the International, was altogether different from that of 1864, at its foundation. Proudhonism in the Latin countries and the specific Lassalleanism in Germany were dying out (…) Thus the history of the "Manifesto" reflects, to a great extent, the history of the modern working-class movement; at present it is undoubtedly the most widespread, the most international production of all Socialist literature, the common platform acknowledged by millions of working men”

Still in the Preface of the German edition of 1890, Engels points out how the proletariat of Europe and North America had united around the principles established by the Manifesto and, organized in the International Association of the Workers had been constituted “as one army, under one flag, for one immediate aim: the standard eight-hour working day, to be established by legal enactment, as proclaimed by the Geneva Congress of the International in 1866 (…) If only Marx were still by my side to see this with his own eyes!”.

Afterwards in the preface to the German edition of 1883, the first since the death of Marx, Engels made a brilliant synthesis of the “The basic thought running through the Manifesto -- that economic production and the structure of society of every historical epoch necessarily arising therefrom constitute the foundation for the political and intellectual history of that epoch; that consequently (ever since the dissolution of the primeval communal ownership of land) all history has been a history of class struggles, of struggles between exploited and exploiting, between dominated and dominating classes at various stages of social development; that this struggle, however, has now reached a stage where the exploited and oppressed class (the proletariat) can no longer emancipate itself from the class which exploits and oppresses it (the bourgeoisie), without at the same time forever freeing the whole of society from exploitation, oppression and class struggles”.

The manifesto demonstrates that, in this epoch, capitalism simplified all and each one of the class contradictions into “two great classes directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat ”, establishing the great principle of class struggle as the fundamental principle which all of us should be guided, being up to all men and women to take a stand for one of these opposing classes. With this, Marx threw a mortal blow in all the variants of the petty bourgeois – Christian – socialism which presented themselves as independent and appeasing currents of class antagonism.

In establishing this scientific comprehension of socialism, in the Manifesto an important principle of the inevitability of of socialism and communism is established: “What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.” (chapter 1, our underline) “The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself. But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons - the modern working class - the proletarians”.

In the Manifesto, Marx establishes the foundation of the concept of class of marxism according to which the Political Power (State) is “the organised power of one class for oppressing another”.
Marx demonstrated that the development of the class struggle leads to revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat through the revolutionary violence in which “it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production”.
Soon he fully established the revolutionary violence to change all the social order, as a fundamental principle of marxism:

The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution”. (Chapter IV, our bold)
in the preface of the German edition of 1872, Marx and Engels, incorporate the experience developed by the proletariat between the year of the publishing of the Manifesto (1848) and 1872, especially that in which the proletariat was raised to Political Power for two months, the Paris Commune, in 1871, historical and transcendental fact in the history of the proletarian movement. Based on the assessment established by Marx in the document Civil war in France (1871), the principle of dictatorship of the proletariat is incorporated to the Manifesto:

One thing especially was proved by the Commune, viz., that 'the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made State machinery, and wield it for its own purposes”, referring to the passage of Civil war in France in which Marx affirms that this machinery should be definitely broken.

In the Manifesto Marx demonstrated that the proletariat is condemned to unify as “the bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle”. So he established the law according to which “the real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate result, but in the ever-expanding union of the workers”, in its process of struggle for its independent political party – today struggles for the constitution or reconstitution of maoist militarized communist parties – is an “incessant struggle” that even though undermined: “it ever rises up again, stronger, firmer, mightier” (Chapter 1).

PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM

Marx established in the Manifesto the principle of proletarian internationalism affirming that “q”, also establishing the great slogan that guides the proletariat for 170 years: “proletarians of all countries, unite!”, great task that has bequeathed us and which will only be complete when we all enter communism, when the proletariat would have fulfilled its historical role, abolishing all private property, all social classes and the different classes, extinguishing the State and itself as a class.

If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organise itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class”. (Chapter II)
So, this great motto has an important significance because it is synthesis and guide at the same time. Synthesis because it expresses our world conception, pointing our final goal, communism, and guide because summarizes the current tasks to combat dispersion of forces in the ICM that advances in fast pace towards overcome.

The Communists, as part of one same class in a world level which has its destiny indissolubly welded, conceive that communism cannot be in one country, but in all, either all of us enter or no one enters, so as affirmed by Chairman Gonzalo “it is no communist if does not think of communism” (3) what demands us to “put proletarian internationalism at the command and guide”, materializing the established by Chairman Mao: “Internationalism is the spirit of communism” (4).
This year, marxist-leninist-maoist Parties and Organizations, united under the banner of maoism and the People’s War launched the World Campaign for the 200 years of birth of the great Karl Marx, under the slogan: Proletarians of all countries, unite!

This important World Campaign adds to and is part of the struggle for the reunification of the communists of the world and against revisionism, which immediate announced objective is the realization of a Unified Maoist International Conference, which establishes a new maoist international organization. This step will mean a leap in the struggle for the reconstitution of the Communist International.

The reconstitution of the Communist International, which has as basis the ongoing People’s Wars, prominently the People’s Wars of Peru and India, in which the New Power is being built, with which are added the People’s Wars in Philippines and Turkey and other national liberation movements, and in the process of reconstitution of marxist-leninist-maoist militarized communist parties in the whole world, to initiate the People’s Wars in each country as a part and in service to the World Proletarian Revolution.

So, this important World Campaign for the 200 years of the birth of Karl Marx developed based on People’s Wars, shows how the full validity of the principles of communism and the program defined by the Manifesto 170 years ago from its first edition is being achieved and proved. “The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win” (Chapter IV).

Notes:
1. Communist Party of Peru (CPP). On the Construction of the Party. Bandera Roja, n 46, August 1976.
2. all the quotes and references to the text of the Manifesto of the Communist Party were taken from the following Spanish edition: Manifesto del Partido Comunista Ediciones en Lenguas Extranjeras, Peking, 1964, and translated by the writers of this article. The referred edition is avaiable in http://www.marx2mao.com.
3. Communist Party of Peru (CPP). Put the MRDP in motion serving the brilliant culmination.
4 Chairman Mao Tsetung, In Memory of Norman Bethune. Edicoes do Povo, Peking, August, 1952.

Wednesday, February 28, 2018

El papel intermediario del social imperialismo chino en la explotación de los recursos naturales América Latina


El 11 de febrero de 2018 se publicó en el diario Página 12 de Argentina una entrevista bajo el título: La economista chilena Consuelo Silva explica las tendencias del comercio mundial “Hay una disputa por nuevos mercados”. El resumen que hace el diario de la entrevista, consecuente con su posición a favor de uno de los grupos de la facción compradora de Argentina, es: "El comercio mundial no se recupera desde la crisis financiera y la OMC no logra revertir este escenario ni avanzar en capítulos clave. “La cumbre de Buenos Aires fue un fracaso”, sostiene Silva en esta entrevista a Cash". Pero a nosotros lo que nos interesa destacar de esa larga entrevista es l a siguiente pregunta y respuesta:

Pregunta de Natalia Aruguete de Página 12: Frente a las limitaciones de Estados Unidos para avanzar en nuevos acuerdos comerciales, ¿China puede ser el “nuevo ganador” en el nuevo escenario de comercio mundial?

Respuesta de la ec. Consuelo Silva; China tiene mejores condiciones para establecer un mega-acuerdo en la zona Asia-Pacífico y de concretarlo. De hecho, la política que implementó China de relación con países menos desarrollados implicó una significativa demanda de materias primas. Eso hizo que nuestras economías empezaran a depender mucho de la demanda de China. Eso refleja un cambio de estrategia de desarrollo que redunda en una fuerte política industrial para incorporar valor a esas materias primas. Tiene una fortaleza distinta como economía, las empresas públicas chinas son muy importantes en términos de generación de empleo y en términos productivos. La diferencia como modelo de desarrollo es muy efectivo pero no por eso deja de suscribir acuerdos que podrían no ser tan beneficiosos para nosotros. Chile exporta a China materias primas, como cobre en bruto. Ellos procesan todos los metales que puedan extraer de ese cobre bruto y lo venden con valor agregado a Estados Unidos. Chile es uno de los países atractivos en tierras raras, que se usan para telefonía celular, telecomunicaciones muy refinadas y de alta nitidez, y eso está fundamentalmente en manos de los chinos. Es un modelo de desarrollo muy atractivo pero también es nocivo para nuestras economías si no cambiamos nuestras estrategias agregando valor a nuestros bienes. (Lo subrayado es nuestro)

En otra de sus respuestas la economista chilena dice: "Chile es una economía que exporta muchas materias primas, y todo lo que podía privatizar ya lo privatizó. Por otro lado, las inversiones norteamericanas ya están en México, incluso están replegándose. Mientras que el modelo que implementó Perú es parecido al de Chile".

Comentario: Hemos subrayado esa parte de la respuesta porque muestra cual es la relación económica de la China socialimperialista con nuestros países semicoloniales y semifeudales donde se desenvuelve un capitalismo burocrático (por un lado), y, por otro, también la dependencia del socialimperialismo chino con respecto al imperialismo yanqui, que actúa de intermediario en la región.  Donde nuestros países están sometidos al capital financiero socialimperialista que se lleva directamente nuestras riquezas naturales en bruto, asumiendo el procesamiento de este mineral en bruto (piedras) para transformarlo en insumos metálicos (papel intermediario) para la industria de los países imnperialistas más desdarrrollados, como en este caso son los Estados Unidos, el mayor beneficiario, cuyo capital financiero esta a la cabeza de esta cadena monopolista. Eso expresa las relaciones de sujeción y violencia que hay de parte de nuestras economías con respecto al imperialismo yanqui, actuando en este caso, como intermediario el capital finanaciero del socialimperialismo chino. 

Con este papel intermediario asunido por el socialimperialismo chino la situación del capitalismo burocrártico en América Latina, en este caso Chile, se ha degradado más porque ya no tienen la posibilidad de llevar a cabo ninguna transformación por mínima que sea de las materias primas que exporta, que se roban los imperialistas.

Ocasión para condenar a toda clase de oportunistas y revisionistas que tratan de hacernos creer que el imperialismo yanqui ya no es más el iperialismo principal que nos domina y que los chinos son los buenos de la película.

Rondônia, Brasil: EMBANDERAMIENTO CON LA BANDERA ROJA

Hoy publicamos las fotos de la acción de agitación y propaganda realizado por los c.maoístas en esta importante ciudad de Brasil, situada en una región de importantes luchas campesinas y populares, donde el campesinado principalmente pobre lleva a cabo la lucha por la tierra contra los grandes terratenientes, grandes burgueses y el imperialismo.










Tuesday, February 27, 2018

BRASIL: NOTICIAS AGRARIAS


Clicar nos títulos para ver as notícias completa

MS: Carta da Terra indígena Dourados Amambai Pegua I e apoio aos Tekohá Pindoroki, Namõe Guavyray e Guapoy Guasu





Nota da Redação: Reproduzimos a seguir pronunciamento enviado à Redação de AND, diretamente da Terra Indígena Dourados Amambai Pegua I, por meio de apoiadores. A nota será publicada na íntegra para preservar a expressão original dos autores.
Nós Povos Indígenas Guarani Kaiowá de todos os tekoha (09 Retomadas) e da Reserva indígena Tey Kuê da T.I Dourados Amambai peguá I, estamos reunidos e mobilizados em favor das comunidades tradicionais Pindoroki, Nhamõe Guavyray e Guapoy Guasu e contra a ação de despejo concedida pelo juiz federal da 1ª instância Moises Anderson Costa Rodrigues a estas três comunidades e todo o povo Guarani e Kaiowá do estado de MS.





Camponeses protestaram em várias regiões do país contra a 'reforma' da previdência e pelo direito à terra, no dia nacional de mobilizações marcado para 19 de fevereiro.

Em Pernambuco dezenas de trabalhadores organizados pela Liga dos Camponeses Pobres do Nordeste (LCP-NE) e pelo Movimento de Luta pela Terra (MLT) ergueram barricada com galhos de árvore e pneus em chamas, bloqueando a pista da BR101 no interior de Pernambuco.

Fonte. AND






Cerca de 200 membros da Liga dos Camponeses Pobres (LCP) se reuniram na manhã do dia 16 de fevereiro na Câmara de Vereadores de Lagoa dos Gatos para protestar contra a decisão judicial que concede a Dona Célia, a pretensa proprietária da Fazenda Cordeirinho, a reintegração da terra que é habitada por famílias camponesas há mais de 15 anos.
Camponeses afirmam que a decisão foi tomada sem sequer ter passado pelo órgão do INCRA, sendo uma decisão feita fora dos trâmites legais.  
 
Fonte. AND






Cerca de 80 famílias de um acampamento situado próximo a fazenda Mococa foram atacadas por pistoleiros na madrugada de 16 de fevereiro, no município de Bom Jesus do Tocantins, no sudeste paraense. 

Fonte. AND  

PA: Moradores de Barcarena são vítimas de rompimento de barragens

Após denúncias emitidas pela própria população de Barcarena, localizada na mesorregião metropolitana de Belém, no Pará, a respeito da possibilidade do rompimento de barragens de rejeitos químicos da multinacional norueguesa Norks Hydro , o crime anunciado aconteceu na madrugada do dia 17 de fevereiro.

Fonte. AND