Wednesday, May 27, 2026

PERU PEOPLE’S MOVEMENT (MPP): CUBA YES, YANKEES NO! Yankees go home! (Update)

 

Workers of the world, unite!




CUBA YES, YANKEES NO!


Yankees go home!




The Cuban Revolution triumphed in 1959 and resonated throughout Latin America. Why did it resonate? Because, breaking with decades of history, it showed that victory could be achieved through armed struggle. That is what resonated, and just 90 miles from the United States, right under its nose; it was a breath of fresh air throughout the Americas, and it had a profound impact on young people.


First, it is important to highlight the following historical facts:


From the beginning, Yankee imperialism tried to crush the Cuban Revolution through various means in an attempt to once again subject Cuba to its semi-colonial control. Then, against the fiercest enemy of the world's peoples, the Latin American masses mobilized in defense of the revolution on the rebel island, chanting the slogan: CUBA YES, YANKEES NO!


As part of understanding the historical events of the Cuban Revolution and its contribution to the development of the national liberation movement of oppressed nations, it is essential to remember that:


In 1961, U.S. imperialism intervened militarily with its mercenaries (“worms”) and was shamefully defeated at the Bay of Pigs. For the peoples of our American continent, it was a victory for history.


The Bay of Pigs followed the defeat of U.S. imperialism in Korea, from which they had to flee like rats in 1953 after the defeat at Luchon, and it foreshadowed their defeat in South Vietnam.


“In 1973, the U.S. had to accept its defeat; as the Yankees said then, Nixon, “Let us save face,” that was the whole problem they had, an honorable retreat, “don’t let them humiliate us,” that was all they asked for, the all-powerful Yankee imperialists.


Chairman Mao is right: “not everything that is big is powerful, nor should it be feared,” because Marxism is big, and that is all-powerful, and before that all the reactionaries should tremble because they will be swept away.” (Chairman Gonzalo, First Congress of the PCP, 1978).


Secondly, it is necessary to make it very clear that:


Cuba is also the story of an unfinished revolution; because the revolution would become increasingly subject to Soviet revisionism, becoming by the end of the 1960s a semi-colony of the revisionist USSR.


Let us recall that in the great debate within the international communist movement between Marxism and revisionism, the Castroist movement adopted a Third Way position.


Therefore, throughout the 1960s, Latin America suffered an erroneous and pernicious influence from petty-bourgeois Third Wayism. This Third Wayism of the petty bourgeoisie sought to replace the proletariat as the leading class of the revolution and wrest its hegemony from it, preaching the non-need for a Communist Party. Attempting to generalize the experience of the Cuban Revolution, they preached the so-called particularism of revolution in Latin America, furiously attacking Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought and proclaiming its obsolescence, as well as that of the universal laws of People's War.


All the attempts at Third Wayism ended, as was inevitable, in defeat. The PCP  established "the peremptory obligation and necessity to systematize the experiences acquired to date in order to continue the struggle." And taking stock of the decade, it concluded that:


The 1960s were a period of victory for Marxism-Leninism in Latin America and throughout the world.” (1)


After the bankruptcy of revisionism and the collapse of Soviet social-imperialism in December 1991, Cuba was left without a leader and with acute existential problems. Its current situation stems from that event.


Cuba suffers from continued Yankee imperialist aggression for seventy years, marked by terrorist attacks, sabotage, and assassination attempts against its leaders, such as those carried out against Fidel Castro and others. Six decades of relentless economic blockade.


Currently, the United States government, led by the genocidal Trump, while claiming deceitful successes in its war of aggression against Venezuela and Latin America, seeks to capitalize on this partial and relative advantage in the Caribbean to attack Cuba. Its immediate objective is regime change, replacing it with one subject to its direct administration, a government under its protectorate, similar to that established in Venezuela under the Rodríguez brothers. Thus, the Yankee imperialists seek to use Cuba's strength to impose their will on South America, implementing their sinister plan of political, economic, and military occupation of our continent as a foundation for maintaining their global hegemony (2).


Yankee imperialism seeks to achieve its objective of regime change by brandishing the threat of a direct attack against the island, based on the deployment of its powerful military force in the region under the name of Operation Southern Spear (3). However, fearing that this could cost it another humiliating defeat, it is attempting to provoke internal subversion through genocide, what they call "the final economic strangulation," according to the imperialist media themselves. We quote:


"The decision to punish the supply of oil to the island with tariffs exacerbates the economic and social strangulation.


The strangulation of oil to the island worsened at the beginning of the year with the United States' military attack on Venezuela, its main supplier for decades. President Donald Trump has tightened the screws even further by announcing that he will punish with tariffs anyone who sells or supplies oil to the island. The noose around the neck of Cubans is tightening ever more, as they live mired in a profound structural crisis, where almost the only possible objective is survival."


Trying to reinforce the military encirclement of the  island within the framework of Operation Southern Spear, part of the powerful US naval fleet has been deployed to Haiti under the pretext of combating drug trafficking (the “narco-boats”).


Therefore, it is necessary to briefly address the militarization of politics. In the US, this has a long history in both its domestic and foreign policy.


Domestically, the Trump administration uses militarization in the fight against “illegal” immigration, organized crime, drug trafficking, etc., employing military and police forces under its direct control for the absolute centralization of power in its hands as a representative of its imperialist faction (PR), seeking to subjugate state governments under governors from the Democratic Party faction and, most importantly, to wage war against the people for its foreign policy.


The verbal threats, violent rhetoric, and brutal and excessive use of force by Trump, other officials in his administration, and the repressive forces under his central control are not signs of strength but of weakness. Since the US is an immense country, Trump does not have sufficient forces to overcome the resistance of his rivals or of the American proletariat and people throughout its vast territory. He resorts to extreme violence in some states to subdue them through terror, hoping to force others to submit to him, but if he cannot overcome resistance in these places, he retreats. He fails only to try again later, and thus he will go from failure to failure both in his own country and in the world.

 

In their Defense Strategy of the War Department (January 24, 2026), they themselves confess their limitation of forces:


“In this approach, it is essential to be realistic about the magnitude of the threats we face and the resources available to address them. (...) Instead, the Department will prioritize the most significant, serious, and dangerous threats to American interests. We will restore the war philosophy and rebuild the joint force so that America’s enemies will never doubt our resolve or ability to respond decisively to these threats.”


With this “war philosophy,” they seek to impose their hegemonic imperialist order both domestically and internationally.


Regarding Latin America, U.S. imperialism uses the militarization of the fight against drug trafficking, “narco-terrorism,” organized crime, the illegal economy, etc., forcing the region’s governments to sign agreements and conventions on these matters using the bland rhetoric of “building cooperative capacity and improving interoperability.” Its objective is to coordinate the work of national security forces internationally, subordinated, directly or indirectly, to Washington's directives." (4)


In 2012, the US had "a corridor stretching from Colombia to Mexico, passing through Central America." Any hint of independence by the region's governments is seen as a threat to its interventionist policy.


Assistance to these subservient armed forces takes the form of support for anti-narcotics initiatives, such as the Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), which began in 2008 following the Mérida Initiative and continued until 2014, providing assistance, equipment, and training to Central American police and military forces.


Mexico falls under the jurisdiction of the US Northern Command, but south of its borders lies the Southern Command, which operates from a $400 million facility just west of Miami, responsible for all US military activities in Central and South America.


Finally we say:

 

Today we revive the old slogan, “CUBA YES, YANKEES NO!”, to support the Cuban people’s struggle against imperialist aggression, which unfolds according to its military doctrine of “peace through strength”—that is, imposing its imperialist interests (those of the Yankee financial oligarchy) through war or the credible threat of its use.


This is a fitting slogan to confront the imperialist plan to hegemonize the Caribbean in order to advance its plan of political, economic, and military occupation of Latin America. As was once said, and is truer today, the Yankee imperialists intend to use Cuba’s strength to overwhelm all of America. With this slogan, our peoples unite with Cuba’s cause in defense of its independence, its formal sovereignty, on its path to complete independence, which it will only achieve by carrying the revolution through to the end.


And, we quote the following from Chairman Gonzalo's speech of September 24, 1992:


All that they told us, the empty and foolish chatter of the famous 'new stage of peace,' what has become of it? What about Yugoslavia? What about other places? Everything was politicized; that's a lie. Today, the reality is this: the same combatants of World Wars I and II are generating, are preparing for World War III. We must know this, and we, as children of an oppressed country, are part of the spoils! We cannot allow it! Enough of imperialist exploitation! We must put an end to them! We are from the Third World, and the Third World is the base of the world proletarian revolution, on one condition: that the Communist Parties raise the banner and lead it. That is what must be done!


LONG LIVE PEOPLE'S WAR!

 

 PERU PEOPLE’S MOVEMENT

February 2026




NOTES:



(1) LATIN AMERICA: PEOPLE'S WAR, Great Victories, Bright Perspective, Red Flag, Number 42, May 1970, Central Committee, Communist Party of Peru.


(2) The global hegemonic and counterrevolutionary plan, implemented by the government of the arch-reactionary and genocidal Trump, dates back to the beginning of the last decade of the last century. This plan is readjusted by each new Yankee government according to the development of the class struggle in the country itself and in the world and is published as the National Defense Strategy (National Defense Strategy or "NDS"), the new one is from November 2025; whose military doctrine or strategy is called the National Security Strategy (NSS), published on January 24, 2026 by the United States Department of War.


The plan in its strategic objectives and general guidelines was established during the Bush Sr. government (198-92), when without a world war Soviet revisionism collapsed, the USSR collapsed and its spheres of influence entered into a new distribution in the midst of imperialist collusion and struggle (December 1991) and Yankee imperialism became the sole hegemonic superpower. Still in the final part of the process of definitive decomposition of social-imperialism, the previous year, President Gonzalo, pointed out in a precise and forceful way, what imperialist strategists had established for their plan of world domination in the coming century:


"The United States and Latin America, its great area. Bush Initiative for Latin America, unite Mexico, the axis, to the unity of the US and Canada to hegemonize over the Caribbean, extend to South America, controlling more and more Central America, thus preparing for the future in the Pacific basin." (II Plenary Session of the Centra Committee (August 1990).


(3) Operation “Southern Spear” was announced in November by Hegseth and is part of the deployment of US warships and military aircraft to Latin America. According to Washington, this operation aims to combat vessels used for drug trafficking by cartels defined as “narcoterrorists.”  

(4) Drug War Capitalism, AK Press, December 2014), in Spanish as Anti-Drug Capitalism, A War Against the People, Dawn Marie Paley, Community Society for Strategic Studies Freedom Under Words, 2018 Mexico.



BANDERA ROJA.ORG: MPP: ¡CUBA SÍ, YANQUIS NO! ¡Yanquis go home!

 


Informacíon sobre la Guerra Popular, el Presidente Gonzalo y el maoísmo

 

¡CUBA SÍ, YANQUIS NO! ¡Yanquis go home!

¡Proletarios de todos los países, uníos!

¡CUBA SÍ, YANQUIS NO!
NOTES:

¡Yanquis go home!

La revolución cubana triunfó en 1959 y repercutió en América Latina. ¿Por qué repercutió?, porque rompiendo decenios mostró que tomando las armas se podía triunfar, eso es lo que repercutió, y a 90 millas de los Estados Unidos, en sus propias barbas; fue un aire renovador en toda América, repercutió mucho en la juventud.

En primer lugar, corresponde resaltar los hechos históricos, siguientes:

Desde el principio, el imperialismo yanqui trató de aplastar la revolución cubana mediante diversas formas para tratar de someter nuevamente a Cuba bajo su control semicolonial. Entonces, contra el enemigo más feroz de los pueblos del mundo, las masas latinoamericanas se movilizaron en defensa de la revolución en la isla rebelde agitando la consigna: ¡CUBA SÍ, YANQUIS NO!

Como parte de los hechos históricos de la revolución cubana y su aporte al desarrollo del movimiento de liberación nacional de las naciones oprimidas, es necesario tener bien presente, que:

En 1961, el imperialismo yanqui intervino militarmente con sus mercenarios (“gusanos”) y fue derrotado vergonzosamente en Bahía de Cochinos. Para los pueblos de nuestro continente americano, fue una batalla a favor de la historia.

Bahía de Cochinos se sumó a la derrota del imperialismo yanqui en Corea, de donde en 1953 tuvieron que salir huyendo como ratas después de la derrota de Luchon, y fue como un anuncio de su derrota en Vietnam del Sur.

“El 73, EE.UU tuvo que aceptar su derrota; como decían entonces los yanquis, Nixon, “permítanos sacar la cara”, es todo el problema que tenían, una retirada honrosa, “que no nos humillen”, eso era todo lo que pedían, los todopoderosos imperialistas yanquis.

Razón tiene el Presidente Mao: “no todo lo grande es poderoso ni debe tenérsele miedo” porque grande es el marxismo y ese sí es todopoderoso y ante eso tienen que temblar todos los reaccionarios porque serán barridos.” (Presidente Gonzalo, I Congreso del PCP, 1978).

En segundo lugar, es necesario dejar bien claro, que:

Cuba es también la historia de una revolución inconclusa; pues, la revolución se van a sujetar cada vez más al revisionismo soviético, pasando a finales de la década del 60 a ser semicolonia de la URSS revisionista.

Recordemos, que en la gran polémica en el movimiento comunista internacional entre marxismo y revisionismo, el movimiento castrista adoptó una posición tercerista.

Por lo anterior, durante toda la década del 60, Latino América sufrió una errónea y perniciosa influencia por parte del tercerismo pequeño burgués. El tercerismo de la pequeña burguesía pretendió sustituir al proletariado como clase dirigente de la revolución y arrebatarle su hegemonía, predicaban la no necesidad de Partido Comunista. Tratando de generalizar la experiencia de revolución cubana predicaban el llamado particularismo de la revolución en América Latina, atacando furiosamente el marxismo-leninismo-pensamiento Mao Tsetung, preconizando su caducidad, así como la de las leyes universales de la Guerra Popular.

Todos los intentos del tercerismo terminaron, como tenía que suceder, en la derrota. El PCP estableció, “la perentoria obligación y necesidad de sistematizar las experiencias adquiridas hasta hoy para continuar la lucha”. Y haciendo balance de la década, concluyó, que:

“La década del 60 ha sido una etapa de victoria para el marxismo-leninismo en América Latina y en el mundo entero.” (1)

Luego de la bancarrota del revisionismo y el hundimiento del socialimperialismo soviético en diciembre de 1991, Cuba se queda sin bastón de mando y con agudos problemas existenciales. Su actual situación deriva de ese hecho.

Cuba sufre la agresión imperialista yanqui continuada por cercada de setenta año con ataques terroristas, sabotajes y atentados para asesinar a sus dirigentes como los realizados contra Fidel Castro y otros. Seis décadas de implacable bloqueo económico,

Actualmente, el gobierno de los Estados Unidos encabezado por el genocida Trump. cantando tramposos éxitos en su guerra de agresión contra Venezuela y América Latina, busca capitalizar esa ventaja parcial y relativa en el Caribe para atacar a Cuba, persigue como objetivo inmediato el cambio de régimen por uno sujeto a su administración directa, un gobierno bajo su protectorado, similar al establecido en Venezuela con los hermanos Rodríguez. Así, los imperialistas yanquis buscan caer con la fuerza de Cuba sobre América del Sur en aplicación de su siniestro plan de ocupación política, económica y militar de nuestro continente como base de la mantención de su hegemonía mundial (2).

El imperialismo yanqui busca lograr su objetivo de cambio de régimen blandiendo la amenaza de un ataque directo contra la isla basada en el despliegue de su poderosa fuerza militar en la región bajo el nombre de operación ‘Southern Spear’ (3), pero ante el temor que esto le puede costar una nueva humillante derrota, está tratando de provocar la subversión interna mediante el genocidio, lo que llaman “la asfixia económica final” según los propios medios imperialistas, citamos:

“La decisión de castigar con aranceles el suministro de petróleo a la isla agrava la asfixia económica y social.

El estrangulamiento del petróleo a la isla se agravó a principios de año con el ataque militar de Estados Unidos a Venezuela, principal proveedor desde hace décadas. El presidente Donald Trump ha dado un nuevo giro de tuerca anunciando que castigará con aranceles a cualquiera que venda o suministre petróleo a la isla. La soga al cuello cada vez aprieta más a los cubanos, que viven sumidos en una profunda crisis estructural, donde casi el único objetivo posible es la supervivencia.”

Tratando de cubrir el cerco militar contra la Isla dentro del marco de la operación ‘Southern Spear’ parte de la poderosa flota naval de los EEUU se ha desplazado a Haití con el pretexto de combate al narcotráfico (las “narco lancha”).

Por lo anterior es necesario mus brevemente referirnos a la militarización de la política. En los EEUU, tanto para su política interna como exterior tiene larga data.

En lo interno el gobierno de Trump usa la militarización de la lucha contra la migración “ilegal”, contra el crimen organizado, antinarcoticos, etc., usando fuerzas militares y policiales bajo su control directo para la centralización absoluta del Poder en sus manos como representante de su facción imperialista (PR), buscando someter bajo su control a los gobiernos de los estados bajo gobernadores de la facción del Partido Demócrata y, lo que es principal, para la guerra contra el pueblo para su guerra exterior.

Las amenazas verbales, discurso violentos y uso brutal y desmedido de la fuerza de parte de Trump, demás funcionarios de su gobierno y de las fuerzas represiva bajo su control central no son muestra de fortaleza sino de debilidad. Como los EEUU es un país inmenso, Trump no tiene las fuerzas suficientes para doblegar la resistencia de sus rivales o del proletariado y el pueblo norteamericano en todo su inmenso territorio. Recurre a la violencia extrema en algunos estados para someterlos por el terror buscando que los demás se le sometan, pero si no puede conseguir doblegar la resistencia en estos lugares actúa por volverse hacia atrás. Fracasa para buscar repetir después, pero así irá de fracaso en fracaso en su propio país como en el mundo.

En su Estrategia de Defensa del Departamento de Guerra (24 de enero 2026), ellos mismos confiesan su limitación de fuerzas:

“En este enfoque, es esencial ser realista sobre la magnitud de las amenazas a las que nos enfrentamos y los recursos disponibles para hacerles frente. (…). En su lugar, el Departamento dará prioridad a las amenazas más importantes, graves y peligrosas para los intereses de los estadounidenses. Restauraremos la filosofía bélica y reconstruiremos la fuerza conjunta para que los enemigos de Estados Unidos nunca duden de nuestra determinación o capacidad para responder de manera decisiva a esas amenazas.“

Con esa “filosofía bélica” buscan imponer su orden hegemónico imperialista en lo interno y externo.

En cuanto a América Latina el imperialismo yanqui usa la militarización del combate al narcotráfico, “narco-terrorismo”, crimen organizado. economía ilegal, etc. obligando a los gobiernos de la región a firmar acuerdo y convenios en esas materias usando «la palabrería anodina de ‘construir capacidad de cooperación y mejorar la interoperabilidad’. Su objetivo coordinar el trabajo de las fuerzas de seguridad nacionales a nivel internacional, subordinadas, de manera directa o indirecta, a la dirección de Washington»(4)

En 2012, los EEUU disponian de “un corredor que va de Colombia a México, pasando por Centroamérica”. Cualquier atisbo de independencia de los gobiernos de la región es vista como una amenaza a su política de intervención.

La asistencia a las fuerzas armadas lacayas toma la forma de apoyos a iniciativas antinarcóticos, como la Iniciativa de Seguridad Regional para América Central (CARSI), que empezó en 2008 tras la Iniciativa Mérida y continuaba hasta 2014, con asistencia, equipo y entrenamiento a las fuerzas policiacas y militares de Centroamérica.

México corresponde a la jurisdicción del Comando Norte de los EEUU, pero al sur de sus fronteras es el Comando Sur, el cual opera desde unas instalaciones de 400 millones de dólares justo al oeste de Miami, el responsable de todas las actividades militares de EEUU en Centro ySudamérica.

Finalmente decimos:

Hoy rescatamos la vieja consigna ¡CUBA SÍ, YANQUIS NO!, para apoyar la lucha del pueblo cubano contra la agresión imperialista que se desarrolla de acuerdo a su doctrina militar de “paz a través de la fuerza”, esto es, de imponer sus intereses imperialista (de la oligarquía financiera yanqui) mediante la guerra o la amenaza creíble de uso de la misma.

Es buena consigna para hacer frente al plan imperialista de hegemonizar el Caribe para avanzar en su plan de ocupación política, económica y militar de América Latina. Como alguna vez se dijo, hoy es más cierto, los imperialistas yanquis pretenden caer con la fuerza de Cuba sobre toda América. Con esta consigna se une a nuestros pueblos con la causa de Cuba en defensa de su la independencia, de su soberanía formal en su camino por la independencia completa que solo la conquistará llevando la revolución hasta el fin.

Y, citamos del Discurso del Presidente Gonzalo del 24 de septiembre de 1992, lo siguiente

“Todo lo que nos dijeron, la cháchara vacía y necia de la famosa «nueva etapa de paz» ¿en qué ha quedado? ¿qué de Yugoslavia? ¿qué de otros lugares? Todo se politizó; eso es mentira. Hoy día la realidad es una, los mismos contendientes de la I y II Guerra Mundiales, están generando, están preparando la III nueva guerra mundial. Eso debemos saber y nosotros como hijos de un país oprimido somos parte del botín ¡No lo

podemos consentir! ¡Basta ya de explotación imperialista! ¡Debemos acabar con ellos! Somos del tercer mundo y el tercer mundo es base de la revolución proletaria mundial, con una condición, que los Partidos Comunistas enarbolen y dirijan. ¡Es lo que hay que hacer!”

¡VIVA LA GUERRA POPULAR!

MOVIMIENTO POPULAR PERÚ

Febrero de 2026


NOTAS:

(1) AMÉRICA LATINA: GUERRA POPULAR, Grandes Victorias, Brillante Perspectiva, Bandera Roja, Número 42, mayo de 1970

Comité Central, Partido Comunista del Perú.

(2) El plan hegemónico y contrarrevolucionario mundial, en aplicación por el gobierno del archirreaccionario y genocida Trump, data de comienzos de la última década del siglo pasado. Este plan es reajustado por cada nuevo gobierno yanqui de acuerdo al desarrollo de la lucha de clases en el propio país y en el mundo y es publicado como Estrategia de Defensa Nacional (National Defense Strategy o «NDS»), el nuevo es de noviembre 2025; cuya doctrina o estrategia militar se denomina Estrategia de Seguridad Nacional (NSS), publicada el 24 de enero de 2026 por el Departamento de Guerra de los Estados Unidos.

El plan en sus objetivos estratégicos y lineamientos generales fue establecido durante el gobierno de Bush Sr.(198-92), cuando sin guerra mundial se hundió el revisionismo soviético, la URSS colapsó y sus esferas de influencias entraron en nuevo reparto en medio de la colusión y pugna imperialista (diciembre 1991) y el imperialismo yanqui devino en la superpotencia hegemónica única. Todavía en la parte final del proceso de descomposición definitiva del socialimperialismo, el año anterior, el Presidente Gonzalo, señaló en forma precisa y contundente,lo que estrategas imperialistas habían establecido para su plan de dominación mundial en el siglo que se avecinaba:

“Estados Unidos y América Latina, su gran área. Iniciativa Bush para América Latina, unir México, eje, a la unidad EEUU y Canadá para hegemonizar sobre el Caribe, extenderse a América del Sur, controlando más y más América Central, así prepararse para el futuro en la cuenca del Pacífico.” (II Pleno del Comité Centra (agosto de 1990).

(3) La operación “Southern Spear” (Lanza del Sur) fue anunciada en noviembre por Hegseth y forma parte del despliegue de buques de guerra y aviones militares estadounidenses en América Latina. De acuerdo con Washington, este operativo apunta a combatir las embarcaciones utilizadas para el tráfico de drogas por cárteles definidos como “narcoterroristas”.

(4) Drug War Capitalism , AK Press, diciembre de 2014), en español como Capitalismo Antidrogas, Una Guerra contra el Pueblo, Dawn Marie Paley, Sociedad Comunitaria de Estudios Estratégicos Libertad Bajo Palabra, 2018 México.

BANDERA ROJA

– Presidente Gonzalo

Las críticas y los comentarios pueden enviarse por correo electrónico a info@banderaroja.org

 

Monday, May 25, 2026

BOLIVIA: Commentary on a Reader's Letter by the AND-Hamburg Editorial Staff (Update)


 BANDERA ROJA BOLIVIA:


#Bolivia | LETTER FROM A READER: "UNTIL VICTORY"—THE LOGIC OF THE PEOPLE
Below, we share a text sent to our editorial desk by a reader, which expresses the sentiments of the Bolivian people currently engaged in struggle:


***
It is the popular masses who steer the course of history—even if governments, intellectuals who fancy themselves "free thinkers," or pragmatic and opportunistic political groups refuse to admit it. Bolivian intellectuals and bureaucrats often claim that "personalism" and *caudillismo* (strongman politics) originate within the popular masses, arguing that these very masses respond only to a single leader. Curiously, however, whenever mobilizations like those currently taking place in Bolivia arise, the first—and irrational—response from these renowned intellectuals and bureaucrats is to assert that the entire movement has been orchestrated by the *caudillo* Evo Morales.
This raises an important question: Are the masses not, in fact, *caudillista*? Why, then, do such "cultured" individuals reduce popular expressions to the actions of a single person? Yet, this is nothing new in history; groups holding governmental and intellectual power have always succumbed to irrational rhetoric—from the Roman patricians who could not fathom how a slave rebellion could bring the Roman Empire to its knees, to the European intelligentsia who could not believe that a proletarian-peasant revolution had exposed the failure of bourgeois models in the mid-20th century.
But, leaving aside that segment of the petty bourgeoisie—which, in terms of social analysis, seems to be moving backward rather than forward—let us continue. Bolivian popular power has demonstrated a conviction so profound—a class consciousness so overflowing—that it actually surpasses that of the established trade union leadership. Popular power has always expressed itself in the streets, through great mass movements where people take to the thoroughfares to engage in collective action—thereby demonstrating what true "people's democracy" actually is: a system where decisions are made collectively by struggle committees, brigades, and trade unions, all working in unison toward concrete, shared objectives. There exists a bourgeois/feudal-landowning Bolivia, and a popular Bolivia—one of workers, trade unionists, and peasants. I apologize if this makes for uncomfortable reading for those seeking "unity," but in this struggle, only one sector can emerge victorious; in the meantime, we will persist in the dichotomy that it is Bolivia—the true Bolivia—that will ultimately triumph. To the misfortune of the bourgeois and feudal classes, history has demonstrated that it is the people who will seize power; no matter how many mistakes are made, no matter how many betrayals occur, the popular masses will prevail. This victory will not be granted by God, nor by the bourgeois "Fatherland" with its nefarious pacts, nor by the solitary individual and their family; liberation will only be achieved when the entire popular masses take power. I wish to conclude this analysis by citing President Mao Zedong:

"Fight, fail, fight again, fail again, fight again—and so on, until victory: this is the logic of the people, and they will never act against it."

COMMENTARY BY AND_HAMBURGO:

REGARDING THE PRECEDING LETTER, WE WISH TO ADD: that in order to seize power for the class and the people, a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Party is required. The masses are constantly engaged in struggle, yet they have been unable to break the "iron circle" imposed upon them by imperialism—primarily Yankee imperialism—bureaucratic capitalism, and semi-feudalism, because they have been left orphaned—without a Communist Party. The masses make history, but they require the guiding light of the Communist Party. To seize Power and advance the democratic revolution, it is necessary to wage People's War—a strategy which, in our countries, follows the path of encircling the cities from the countryside; to achieve this, a Party, an Army, and a Front (or New State) are indispensable. Thus—and only thus—can the contradictions inherent to the democratic revolution be resolved: the contradiction between Nation and Imperialism; between the People and Bureaucratic Capitalism; and between the Masses and Feudalism. At the present moment, these contradictions manifest primarily as a conflict between the broad popular masses and the government—a regime that represents the landlord-bureaucratic State, acting in the service of imperialism, chiefly that of the Yankees. These constitute the fundamental contradictions between revolution and counter-revolution in our countries.

In the current international and national context, we are witnessing an intensification of the contradiction between Nation and Imperialism—specifically Yankee imperialism. This intensification is starkly evident in the brazen and arrogant intervention of Yankee imperialism, expressed through the public statements of representatives from the arch-reactionary and genocidal administration of Donald Trump, as well as through the visit to Bolivia by a high-ranking representative of the IMF—an institution that has been denounced by the Bolivian revolutionary movement.

However, the foregoing does not imply a shift in the *principal contradiction* within Bolivia, which remains the contradiction between the Masses and Feudalism—unless, that is, a direct armed intervention were to take place, as has occurred in the case of Venezuela. We reiterate, once again, that this contradiction between Nation and Imperialism is indeed intensifying. It is our duty to denounce this Yankee intervention, raising high the universal slogan: "Yankees, Go Home!" This serves to develop the anti-imperialist consciousness of the people, in order to advance the primary strategic task that remains outstanding: THE RECONSTITUTION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOLIVIA.

Since the masses constitute an arena of contention, in major demonstrations or popular uprisings, the stage is occupied not only by those representing popular interests but also by representatives of the two factions of the big bourgeoisie—who take turns wielding State Power, serving as governments of either the comprador big bourgeoisie or the bureaucratic big bourgeoisie—as well as by the opportunists and revisionists in their service, acting as lackeys for various imperialist nations. We shall term this contradiction "inter-reactionary," or a contradiction within the reactionary camp.

These two types of contradictions—distinct in their class character—are the forces at work within the actual movement.

SOME ADDITIONAL CLARIFICATIONS:


Intervention by Yankee imperialism—and its lackeys across the continent, principally those grouped within "The Shield of the Americas"—against Bolivia, involving threats and intimidating statements in support of the lakey government of Paz (representing the comprador big bourgeoisie). This intervention is compounded by their actions through the IMF in favor of the current government's anti-people and sellout economic plan, and against the popular forces demonstrating against this big-bourgeoisie/landlord plan, which serves the interests of imperialism—primarily Yankee imperialism.

"The Shield of the Americas backed the Bolivian government of Rodrigo Paz this Thursday and warned that it will not tolerate the 'overthrow of democratically elected leaders' in the hemisphere." (Infobae)

In the current situation, we are witnessing a case—or situation—of indirect intervention by imperialism in Bolivia's internal affairs. This is a semi-colonial country that possesses only formal independence or sovereignty.

The courageous Bolivian people are closing ranks and rejecting the new government's plan for the old State—a rejection that has been characterized as "a great popular uprising." Furthermore, they are bravely rejecting the intervention of their Yankee imperialist master.

We must foster anti-imperialist consciousness among the peoples of Latin America in order to advance the democratic revolution through people's war. We must strive to cultivate this anti-imperialist consciousness through a life-and-death struggle against feudal-imperialist ideology. Struggles such as the present one are conducive to achieving this objective.

The problem lies in the lack of proletarian leadership—specifically, the need for a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Party to lead the masses, who are fighting with unyielding energy and displaying heroism in abundance. Communists in formation who advocate for the reconstitution of the Communist Party must commit to living, working, and struggling alongside the deepest and broadest masses, and must strive to lead them by establishing concrete strategies and tactics for every situation arising from the unfolding class struggle—clearly defining the objectives to be achieved by the mass movement as well as the specific methods of struggle. This must be done in accordance with a concrete analysis of the concrete situation. They must seek to prevent the masses from being exploited in the conflicts between reactionary factions, and from being hijacked by opportunists and revisionists. This entails skillfully managing the advance and tactical retreat of the movement—that is, engaging in struggle from a position of advantage, within defined limits, and without overextending oneself.

Objective convergences inevitably arise within the struggle; one must know how to leverage the contradictions existing among the factions of the big bourgeoisie without ever trailing behind any one of them. As the letter states, the fundamental issue is one of power; this means that the goal is not merely to replace the government—as if doing so would automatically resolve all problems—but rather to carry out the revolution.

The foundation of the anti-imperialist front is the worker-peasant alliance, led by the Communist Party. In other words, it is the United Front of the New Democratic Revolution—a revolution carried out through People's War to sweep away the "three great mountains": imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism, and semi-feudalism.

At no stage of the New Democratic Revolution can we isolate the anti-imperialist (national) task from the other two tasks. Even if one of these tasks becomes the primary focus during the unfolding of the fundamental contradictions of the democratic revolution, this does not imply that the others are absent or cease to be operative; it simply means that the struggle is tactically reoriented to prioritize one specific task over the others.

Furthermore—should such a scenario arise—there exists an absolute necessity for a Communist Party to transform an armed struggle of national resistance into a full-scale People's War.



 ... a revolution is not a dinner party, or
writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery; it cannot
be so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous,
restrained and magnanimous. 4 A revolution is an insurrection, an act
of violence by which one class overthrows another."


QUOTATIONS FROM CHAIRMAN MAO TSE-TUNG:

The force at the core leading our cause is the Chinese Communist Party.
The theoretical basis guiding our thinking is Marxism-Leninism.

Opening Address at the First Session of the
First National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China
(September 15, 1954).


To make revolution, one must have a revolutionary party. Without a revolutionary party, without a party built on the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary theory and in the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary style, it is impossible to lead the working class and the broad masses of the people in defeating imperialism and its lackeys.

Revolutionary Forces of the World, Unite,
Fight Against Imperialist Aggression!
(November 1948),
Selected Works, Vol. IV.


Without the efforts of the Chinese Communist Party, without the Chinese Communists serving as the mainstay of the Chinese people, it is impossible to achieve the independence and liberation of the country, or its industrialization and the modernization of its agriculture.

On Coalition Government
(April 24, 1945),
Selected Works, Vol. III.


The Chinese Communist Party is the core of leadership of the Chinese people. Without this core, the cause of socialism cannot triumph.

Speech at the Reception for All Delegates
to the Third National Congress of the
New Democratic Youth League of China
(May 25, 1957).


A disciplined Party, armed with the theory of Marxism-Leninism, using the method of self-criticism and closely linked with the masses of the people; an army led by such a Party; a united front of all revolutionary classes and revolutionary groups led by such a Party: these are the three main weapons with which we have defeated the enemy.

On the People's Democratic Dictatorship
(June 30, 1949),
Selected Works, Vol. IV. 

We must have confidence in the masses; we must have confidence in the Party. These are two fundamental principles. If we doubt them, we shall accomplish nothing.

On the Question of Agricultural Cooperation
(July 31, 1955),
[Selected Works, Vol. V].


Armed with Marxist-Leninist theory and ideology, the Communist Party of China has brought a new style of work to the Chinese people—one which mainly consists of integrating theory with practice, maintaining close ties with the masses, and practicing self-criticism.

On Coalition Government
(April 24, 1945),
Selected Works, Vol. III.


No political party can lead a great revolutionary movement to victory unless it possesses revolutionary theory, a knowledge of history, and a profound understanding of the practical movement.

The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War
(October 1938),
Selected Works, Vol. II.


BOLIVIA: COMENTARIO A CARTA DE UN LECTOR POR REDACCIÓN DE AND-HAMBURG (Actualización)

 

BOLIVIA: COMENTARIO A CARTA DE UN LECTOR POR REDACCIÓN DE AND-HAMBURG

 BANDERA ROJA BOLIVIA:

#Bolivia | CARTA DE UN LECTOR: HASTA LA VICTORIA ES LA LOGICA DEL PUEBLO
Compartimos a continuación un texto que un lector nos ha enviado a nuestra redacción y que expresa el sentir del pueblo boliviano hoy en lucha:
***
Las masas populares son las que mueven el rumbo de la historia, aunque los gobiernos, los intelectuales que se creen libres o los grupos políticos pragmáticos y oportunistas no quieren admitir, los intelectuales y burócratas bolivianos mencionan que el personalismo y el caudillismo nacen de las masas populares debido a que estas mismas solo responden a un líder, curiosamente cuando se presentan movilizaciones como las que ocurren en Bolivia su primera respuesta irracional de los famosos intelectuales y burócratas es decir que todo está maquinado por el caudillo Evo Morales.
Acá surge una pregunta importante ¿Que no las masas son caudillistas? Que hacen personas tan cultas reduciendo las expresiones populares a una sola persona, pero esto no es nuevo en la historia, siempre los grupos de poder gubernamental e intelectual cayeron en una retórica irracionalista, desde los patricios que no podían comprender como una rebelión de esclavos puso en jaque al Imperio Romano hasta la intelectualidad europea que no podían creer que una Revolución proletaria/campesina demostró el fracaso de los modelos burgueses durante mitades del siglo XX.
Pero dejando de lado al grupo de la pequeña burguesía que no avanza si no retrocede en el análisis social continuemos. El poder popular boliviano ha demostrado una convicción tan fuerte demuestran una conciencia de clase que desborda a la dirigencia sindical, el poder popular siempre se ha expresado en las calles en los grandes movimientos de masas saliendo a las calles haciendo un trabajo colectivo, demostrando lo que verdaderamente es la democracia del pueblo donde las decisiones se toman colectivamente, los comités de lucha, las brigadas y los sindicatos, todos en conjunto con objetivos reales.
Existe una Bolivia burguesa/feudal terrateniente y una Bolivia popular obrera/gremial/ y campesina, lo siento si es algo que no se puede leer los que buscan “unidad” pero en esta lucha solamente un sector es el que debe triunfar, mientras tanto seguiremos con la dicotomía de que Bolivia es la que va triunfar. Para desgracia de los burgueses/feudales la historia ha demostrado que el pueblo es el que tomara el poder por más equivocaciones, por más traiciones que existan las masas populares ganaran, esta victoria no la dará Dios, no la dará la patria burguesa con sus pactos nefastos y tampoco lo dará el individuo libre con su familia, la liberación solo se dará cuando todas las masas populares tomen el poder, quiero terminar este análisis poniendo la cita del Presidente Mao Zedong:
 
"Luchar, fracasar, volver a luchar, fracasar de nuevo, volver otra vez a la lucha, y así hasta la victoria: ésta es la lógica del pueblo, y él tampoco marchará jamás en contra de ella". 
 
COMENTARIO DE LA AND_HAMBURGO: 
 
NOSOTROS QUEREMOS AGREGAR SOBRE LA CARTA QUE ANTECEDE:, que para tomar el poder para la clase y el pueblo se necesita un Partido Comunista maerxista-leninista-maoísta, las masas siempre luchan pero no han podido romper el circulo de hierro que les impone el imperialism, principalmente yanqui, el capitalismo burocrático y la semifeudalidad por que ha estado huérfanas de Partido Comunista. Las masas hace la historia pero necesitan la luz del Partido Comunista. Para tomar el Poder y desarrollar la revolución democrática se tiene que desarrollar la guerra popualar, que en nuestros países sigue el camino de cercar las ciudades desde el campo, para lo cual se necesita Partido, ejercito y frente/ nuevo Estado. Asi y solo así se püueden resolver las contradicciones de la revolución dem,ocrática: nación-imperialismo, pueblo-capitalismo-burocrático y masas-feudalidad que en el momento actual se expresan como contradicción de las grabndes masas populares con el gobierno que representa al Estado terrateniente-burocrático, al servicio del imperialismo, principalmente yanqui. Esas son las contradicciones fundamentales entre revolución y contrarrevolución en nuestros países.
 
En la actual situación internacional y nacional asistimos a la agudización de la contradicción nación impewrialismo, yanqui principalmente, expresada en la desvergonzada y prepotente intervención del imperialiso yanqui a través de declaracoiones de los representantes del archirreaccionario y genocida gobierno de DTrump, así como de la visita de la alta representante del FMI a Bolivia que denunciado BR de Bolivia.
 
Pero o anterior no implica el cambio de la contradicción principal en Bolivia que sigue siendo masas-feudalidad, salvo que se diera una intervención armada directa, como en el caso de Venezuela. Diremos, una vez más, que esta contradicción nación-impwerialismo se va agudizando. Corresponde denunciar la intervención yanqui enarbolando la consigna universal: Yanquis go home! Eso sirve a desarrollar la conciencia antiimperialista del pueblo para servir a la tarea estratégica principal atrasada: LA RECONSTITUCIÓN DEL PARTIDO COMUNISTA DE BOLIVIA.

Como las masas son arena de contienda, en las grandes manifestaciones o levantamientos populares no solo actúan quienes representan los intereses populares sino también los representantes de las dos facciones de la gran burguesía que se turnan al mandop del Poder del Estado, como gobiernos de la gran burguesía compradora o de la gran burguesía burocrática y también actuan los oportunistas y revisionistas a su servicio y como lacayos de los diferentes países imperialistas. A esta contradicción la llamaremos interrreaccionaria o contradicción en el campo reaccionario.

Estos dos tipos de contrradicciones de diferente carácter de clase son la que actuán en el movimiento real.
 
ALUNAS PRECISIONES COMPLEMENTARIAS:

Intervención del imperialismo yanqui y de sus lacayos del continente, principalmente de los agrupados en "El Escudo de las Américas", contra Bolivia con amenazas y declaraciones intimidatoria a favor del gobierno lacayo de Paz (gran burguesía compradora),sumando su intervención a través del FMI en favor del plan económico antipopular y vendepatria del gobierno de turno y contra las fuerzas populares que se manifiestan contra el plan gran burgues-terrateniente al servicio del imperialismo, principalmente yanqui.

"El Escudo de las Américas respaldó al gobierno boliviano de Rodrigo Paz este jueves y advirtió que no tolerará el “derrocamiento de líderes democráticamente elegidos” en el hemisferio," (Infobae)
 
En la presente situación, estamos ante un caso o situación de intervención indirecta del imperialismo en los asuntos internos de Bolivia. País semicolonial que goza de una independencia o soberanía formal.

El valiente pueblo boliviano en todo ecierra filas y rechaza el plan de nuevo gobierno del viejo Estado, que ha sido denominado como "un gran levantamiento popular".Asimismo, viene rechazando valientemente la intervención del amo imperialista yanqui.

Hay que desarrollar la conciencia antimperialista en los pueblos de América Latina para servir a desarrollar la revolución democrática con guerra popular. Tenemos que servir a desarrollar la conciencia antiimperialista en lucha a muerte contra el pensamiento feudal-imperialista. Estas luchas como la presente son propicias para este próposito.

Problema es la falta de dirección proletaria, necesidad de Partido Comunista marxista-leninista-maoísta que dirija a las masas que luchan con denodada energía y derramando heroismo a raudales.

Los comunistas en formación que están por la reconstitución del Partido Comunista deben aplicar el vivir, trabajar y luchar junto a las masas más hondas y profundas y pugnar por dirigirla estableciendo la estrategía y táctica concreta para cada una de las situaciones que presenta el desarrollo de la lucha de clases, establecer claramente los objetivos a alcanza por el movimiento de masas y las medidas de lucha. De acuerdo al análisis concreto de la situación concreta. Buscar conjurar que las masas sean usadas en la contiendas entre las facciones reaccionarios y se monten los oportunistas y revisionistas. Esto implica manejar bien el avance y repliegue del movimiento.Esto es luchar con ventaja, límite y sin sobrepasarse.
 
 Hay convergencias objetivas que se dan en la lucha, hay que saber usar las contradicciones entre las facciones de la gran burguesía sin ponerse a la cola de ninguna de ellas. Como dice la carta el problemas es de poder, lo que quiere decir que no se trata de cambiar el gobierno y los problemas se solucionan sino de hacer la revoución.

La base del frente contra el imperialismo es la alianza obrero-campesina dirigida por el Partido Comunista. Es decir el fente único de la revoluciṕn de nueva democracia,que se lleva a cabo mediante la guerra popular para barrer las tres montañas: el imperialismo, el capitalismo burocrático y la semifeudalidad.

En ninguna fase de la revolución de nueva democracia podemos separar la tarea antiimperialista (nacional) de las otras dos tareas, el que una devenga principal en el proceso de desarrollo de las contradicciones fundamentales de la revolución democrática, no implica que las otras no estén presentes o dejen de actuar, solo se reajusta la lucha contra una u otra como principal.
 
También, si ese fuere el caso, necesidad de Partido Comunista para trasformar la lucha armada de resistencia nacional en guerra popular. 
 
 

 CITAS DEL PRESIDENTE MAO TESE TUNG:

La fuerza-núcleo que dirige nuestra cause es el Partido Comunista de China.
La base teórica que guía nuestro pensamiento es el marxismo-leninismo.

Discurso de apertura de la I Sesión de la Asamblea Popular
Nacional (primera legislatura) de la República Popular China
(15 de septiembre de 1954).



Para hacer la revolución, se necesita un partido revolucionario. Sin un partido revolucionario, sin un partido creado conforme a la teoría revolucionaria marxista-leninista y al estilo revolucionario marxista-leninista, es imposible conducir a la clase obrera y las amplias masas populares a la victoria sobre el imperialismo y sus lacayos.

Fuerzas revolucionarias del mundo, uníos,
Iuchad contra la agresión imperialista!

(noviembre de 1948),
Obras Escogidas t. IV.



Sin los esfuerzos del Partido Comunista de China, sin los comunistas chinos como sostén del pueblo chino, es imposible alcanzar la independencia y la liberación del país, su industrialización, y la modernización de su agricultura.

Sobre el gobierno de coalición
(24 de abril de 1945),
Obras Escogidas, t. III.



El Partido Comunista de China es el núcleo dirigente del pueblo chino. Sin este núcleo la cause del socialismo no puede triunfar.

Discurso pronunciado en la recepción a todos
los delegados al III Congreso Nacional de la Liga
de la Juventud de la Nueva Democracia de China
(25 de mayo de 1957).



Un partido disciplinado, pertrechado con la teoría marxista-leninista y que practica la autocrítica y se mantiene ligado a las masas populares; un ejército dirigido por tal Partido; un frente único de todas las clases revolucionarias y grupos revolucionarios dirigido por tal Partido: éstas son las tres armas principales con que hemos derrotado al enemigo.

Sobre la dictadura democrática popular
(30 de junio de 1949),
Obras Escogidas, t. IV.



Debemos tener confianza en las masas, debemos tener confianza en el Partido. Estos son dos principios fundamentales. Si dudamos de ellos, nada podremos cumplir.

Sobre el problema de la cooperativización agrícola
(31 de julio de 1955),
[Obras Escogidas, t. V].



Armado con la teoría e ideología marxista-leninistas, el Partido Comunista de China ha aportado al pueblo chino un nuevo estilo de trabajo, que consiste principalmente en integrar la teoría con la práctica, mantener estrechos vínculos con las masas populares y practicar la autocrítica.

Sobre el gobierno de coalición
(24 de abril de 1945),
Obras Escogidas t. III.



Ningún partido político puede conducir un gran movimiento revolucionario a la victoria si no posee una teoría revolucionaria, un conocimiento de la historia y una comprensión profunda del movimiento práctico.

El papel del Partido Comunista de China en la guerra nacional
(octubre de 1938),
Obras Escogidas, t. II.

SERVIR AL PUEBLO ESPANA; Jornadas antiimperialistas celebradas en València

 

Jornadas antiimperialistas celebradas en València

 

 


Imagen del evento, que se celebró en la Alquería Popular de Malilla. Fuente: Liga Antiimperialista.
Mesa de la ponencia del debate. Fuente: Liga Antiimperialista.

 

Corresponsal en València

El pasado sábado 23 de mayo se celebró una jornada antiimperialista y antirrepresiva que organizaba la sección española de la Liga Antiimperialista Internacional (LAI). Informamos sobre este evento anteriormente:

La propia Liga Antiimperialista publicó una crónica en sus redes sociales. La compartimos a continuación:

Este 23 de Mayo, con profundo sentimiento internacionalista, nos hemos reunido diferentes colectivos para tratar el tema del imperialismo en este siglo.

Estuvieron presentes el Partido Comunista de los Pueblos de España, el sindicato feminista, independentista y de clase COS, la juventud de la izquierda independentista Arran, la Campaña Estatal contra el Genocidio y la Represión en la India y Sanitarios por Palestina. Organizó el debate la sección española de la Liga Antiimperialista Internacional.

El activista palestino Fayez Badawi hizo una exposición que repasó la historia de la Resistencia en Oriente Medio.

En el debate se expusieron distintas posiciones sobre el papel de Palestina e Irán en la lucha antiimperialista. También se habló sobre la lucha campesina en la India y sobre los desafíos actuales de la clase trabajadora.

Por la tarde hubo una comida y parrillada popular, con música reivindicativa. Los asistentes compartieron puntos de vista en un ambiente de camaradería.

Todos los asistentes coincidieron en la necesidad de combatir juntos contra el imperialismo a pesar de las diferencias entre puntos de vista.

¡El pueblo unido jamás será vencido!

A continuación compartimos algunas imágenes del evento. La fuente de todas ellas es la Liga Antiimperialista:




DAZIBAO ROJO:INDIA: India The Politics of Surrender - Nazariya/Ajith

 

lunes, 25 de mayo de 2026

INDIA: India The Politics of Surrender - Nazariya/Ajith



NAZARIYA MAGAZINE



The Politics of Surrender






By nazariya123 on May 25, 2026


[A Note from the Editors: We hereby republish an article written by Comrade K. Murali (Ajith) earlier this year. We believe the critique it makes of the treacherous politics of surrender represented by the Sonu, Devji lines, as well as the clarity it provides on the relevance of the Naxalbari path, prove to be an important contribution to the struggle against the OLR (Opportunism-Liquidationism-Revisionism) line that has surfaced within the Revolutionary camp in recent years.]


Several interviews given by Devji, erstwhile Politburo member of the CPI (Maoist), are now available on the net. They are in Telugu and Hindi. Its substance has also come in an interview published in the March 14 issue of the Indian Express (Mumbai).

Devji claims that he has not surrendered. He says he was picked up while attempting to relocate from the struggle zone. Hence it was an arrest, not a surrender. This reasoning is quite specious. What about their accepting the money granted by the Telangana government to surrenderers? There was also the sorry spectacle of their demanding a hike in that amount! Though he now admits it was a mistake, the very fact that such thoughts were entertained is rather revealing. Devji has tried to justify his arrest/surrender as something done in the interests of the revolutionary movement. The argument is as follows. If he had refused to accept the surrender proposal made by the State government he would have been locked up in jail. This would have cut him off from the masses. That would have been harmful since his active presence is needed to revitalise and reorganise the movement. Devji says that while going to jail was ethically correct, his choice was appropriate in view of the crisis faced by the movement. Is that so?

There any number of examples of imprisoned communist leaders using ingenious methods to cut through restrictions of jail life and aid the party with their advice. When weighed against the demoralising impact of the surrender on the ranks and masses and the boost given through it to enemy propaganda, the limits imposed by incarceration are minimal. Moreover, refusing to surrender is primarily a matter of one’s political stand as a communist revolutionary. The ethics of persisting in the face of torture, threat of death or imprisonment comes from this politics. Devji is erecting a false opposition between the moral imperatives that should guide a Maoist in enemy custody and the interests of the movement. Both are complementary, provided we are still talking about a revolutionary movement.

Devji has declared that he will be working among the people, rallying them on their immediate and basic issues. This is also cited as something that proves he hasn’t surrendered. According to him, people who surrender do so to return to their private lives. But since he and associates will continue to be activists their action cannot be considered as surrender. Is that so?

Consider the notorious example set by an erstwhile founding member of the CPI (M-L), Satyanarayan Singh. After the withdrawal of Emergency in 1977, he encouraged comrades to give undertakings abjuring violence in order to get released from prison. Neither he nor many of those who came out of jails heeding his appeal gave up political activity. Yet this was denounced by those who stood firm on the revolutionary road as a betrayal. Precisely because it meant abandoning the Naxalbari path. What matters is not one’s activism, or lack of it, but the politics one is proposing.

So what is the politics Devji and associates want to promote? In a written proposal made to the Telangana Chief Minister they have declared that they would operate entirely within the legal framework, if the ban currently imposed on the CPI (Maoist) was lifted. They also made it clear that they would immediately proceed to dissolve the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) if the party were to be recognized as a legal political entity. In his words, “the armed struggle would cease to exist.”

Does this differ in any way from the capitulationist politics pursued by Sonu and Co.? Devji has tried to make a distinction. He points out that while they surrendered weapons he and those who arrest/surrendered with him did not. They have been left in the forest. All that is fine. But when the armed struggle is decried to have ended, when the PLGA is dissolved, they wouldn’t have been of use anyway. Evidently, even if we take him at his words, that act is nothing more than a temporary measure. The only difference one sees is his position on participation in parliamentary elections. He continues to believe that the fundamental problems facing the people cannot be resolved through the parliamentary electoral path. But that is qualified — ‘our stance thus far has been that’. Does this indicate that it too may be changed in the future? That would depend on what is seen as principal in the proposed ‘revitalisation project’. If gaining and retaining legal status is accorded prime importance then a turn to the electoral path would most likely follow.

In the present situation, Brahmanical Hindutva fascism is aggressively seeking to realise its ambition of establishing a Hindu Rashtra. Will the RSS-led Central government easily agree to give legal status to the CPI (Maoist)? The way it responded to calls for peace talk with the murder of Basavaraj and many other comrades and the sordid spectacle of Sonu handing over his weapon in return for a copy of the Constitution from an RSS-man is indicative. The fascist Modi regime will not be satisfied with anything less than total subjugation. Its war to eliminate the Maoist movement is much, much, more than a matter of securing mining operations for an Adani or a Tata. It is pre-eminently political. Even more intensely than the counter-revolutionary wars waged by previous regimes. It is driven by an ideology that is most reactionary in our context, historically and in the present too. Revolutionary communism, as represented by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism today, is its nemesis. It seeks its total annihilation.

Conversely, the room for ‘activism strictly within the legal framework’ is already quite restricted, even for parliamentary parties. The Congress no doubt pursues its own interests in the surrender dramas being played out in Telengana. It seeks to project a ‘humane’ visage as opposed to the ‘bloodthirsty’ one pursued by the BJP. That gives room for wishful thinking about a revolutionary party acquiring legality in the present conditions. But this space is restricted and fleeting. Making it the cornerstone of efforts to overcome the present setback will be counter-productive. What ultimately matters is the Central government run by the RSS and the imperialist mentors.


One must also consider this whole ‘arrest/surrender’ drama from another angle, the angle of the enemy’s Low Intensity Warfare strategy for counter-revolution. Why has the Modi government allowed the Congress ministry in Telangana to go ahead with it, even in the case of highly wanted people like Devji? Is it related to the mixed results of its Sonu/Satish move? True, they inflicted a heavy blow on the movement in the Dandakaranya. But it miserably failed in the rest of the country. Not just that, it led to an all-round re-energisation of the broad ranks of sympathisers and activists all across the country. The Sonu/Satish clique was roundly condemned as traitors. So now, in place of that discredited lot, we have a set of ‘honest’ leaders. They claim they haven’t surrendered, haven’t handed over weapons and still swear by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (MLM). And they go around seeking support for their ‘legalist’ project. The abandoning of armed struggle is presented as a matter of tactics, which is necessary to overcome the setback. The enemy would surely see the value of this package in spreading ideological confusion and weakening the support base of the Maoist movement. Whether unconsciously becoming a tool of the enemy due to misguided ideas about ‘revitalising’ the movement or consciously siding with it, the fall out of the arrest/surrender of Devji and associates will be far more pernicious than that of the Sonu/Sathish clique. Pointing to the possibility of consciously siding with the enemy is not mere speculation. The presence of an external agent guiding Devji’s responses during the interview with the TV9 channel was already a matter of concern. Now there are reports about his visiting comrades in jails, accompanied by police officers, and the strenuous efforts he has made to get them to abandon armed struggle.


Finally we must also raise this question — what right do they have to take such decisions, like making the party open and dissolving the PLGA? It is a well known principle of a communist party that members lose their membership the moment they are arrested or captured by the enemy. It may be restored after they become free, depending on their conduct in custody. Devji and his associates are no exception to this. Besides, and most importantly, one Politburo member and perhaps some Central Committee members are still active in the Bihar-Jharkand region. Pockets of armed struggle still persist in Dandakaranya. When he is so critical of Sonu and others for violating democratic centralism, shouldn’t he have considered these hard facts before making unilateral declarations on ‘making the party a legal entity’, ‘dissolving the PLGA’, ‘ending armed struggle’ etc.? As he himself admits this was never on the agenda in committee meetings. The erstwhile secretary, martyr comrade Basavaraj had rejected a similar proposal made by Sonu. It is true that conditions in Dandakaranya have worsened even more since then. But that is no justification for abandoning the revolutionary orientation of the party, the Naxalbari path of armed struggle, aimed at the seizure of political power.


Let us remind ourselves of the reasoning behind adopting this path. The necessity for armed activity emerges from the nature of our society. From the raw violence that is omnipresent in it, particularly in the rural areas. This is one of the concrete manifestations of semi-feudalism in our country. The norms of bourgeois democracy— rule of law, civil rights, responsible government etc.— are a facade barely covering up the hideous presence of caste-feudal relations and values. The moment a mass struggle starts confronting any vital interest of the exploiters, the armed goons of the local landlords, of the ruling class political party dominant in that area, or the armed might of the state, swing into action with all brutality. This is the norm in rural areas. Even in urban centres, the ‘rule of law’ is something reserved for the better off layers of the middle class and members of the exploiting classes. The masses are well aware of this. Ruling class violence is ever present in their lives. Its threatening presence is getting amplified as Brahmanical Hindutva fascist forces become increasingly aggressive. The agenda of violence is preset by the ruling classes. Those choosing to stick to the revolutionary road cannot but reckon with it.


The pioneers of the revolutionary movement launched by Naxalbari were well aware of this essential feature of our situation. Their choice of the path of protracted people’s war factored in this aspect too. The leaders of the Telangana armed struggle had arrived at it through the course of that struggle. They succeeded in imposing it over and against the Trotskyite sabotage of Ranadive. But, they failed to stand firm and persist on that path despite the overwhelming support of the ranks and the testimony of practice. This teacher by negative example was both a warning and lesson for the pioneers of the new, Maoist, revolutionary movement in the 1960s. Hence they consciously chose the path of protracted people’s war, firmly anchored in class analysis. India as a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country. New democratic revolution as the stage of revolution. Working class as the leading class and the peasantry as the main force. These were the essential elements informing their choice.


To conclude, the turn to MLM by the pioneers of the new revolutionary movement didn’t come from bookish knowledge. It was driven by the firm conviction that the sole reason for their existence as communists was to make revolution, to end exploitation and oppression. Integrated with the masses they had been thirsting to take up this task since long. That is why they enthusiastically rallied behind the leaders who came out against the revisionism of the CPI. The ranks waited in keen expectation for decisive steps from the leadership to take the revolutionary road. But the leaders of the new party, the CPI(M), were engaged in desperate moves to divert the ranks from that road by all means. This is where the ideological clarity offered by MLM proved to be decisive. It helped the revolutionaries see through the centrist guises of the neo-revisionists. It helped them realise that nothing short of a total rupture would do. Thus the way was cleared for Naxalbari.


There is an important lesson for us here. First and foremost, we must firmly grasp our calling as communists – to serve the people, to be the torch bearers of revolution. The setback the Maoist revolutionary movement is facing today certainly calls for serious analysis and necessary rectification. But what is most important and primary is to stand firm on the revolutionary road.


by K. Murali (Ajith), Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Ideologue