JOURNALISTIC NOTE
Proletarians of all countries, unite!
NEW COUP D’ÉTAT BY MANNER OF
ELECTORAL FRAUD
On February 17, a new parliamentary “coup d’état” took place in Peru
against the reactionary president in office, José Jerí; the sixth of its
kind in the last 10 years; an expression of crisis at the ‘heights’,
crisis in the politics of the ruling class; intensification of collusion
and reactionary struggle spurred by the new electoral farce set for
April 12.
On February 18, Parliament elected José Balcázar as president of the
Board of Directors, leading him to assume the Presidency of the Republic
on an interim basis following the censure of José Jerí. Balcázar will
hold the position until July 28, 2026.
The Peruvian State is a bureaucratic dictatorship based on an
alliance between the exploiting classes: the big bourgeoisie (which is
in charge) and the landlords (under the command of imperialism). Changes
in the authorities of the old Peruvian state take place through
elections or military or parliamentary coup d’états. This allows us to
see clearly the recent development of the political situation in the
country.
The backdrop to what is happening in the reactionary camp is that the
country is in a new electoral cycle for the replacement of the
authorities of the old Peruvian state: for president, vice president,
deputies, and senators (a chamber that was eliminated after Fujimori’s
“self-coup” in 1992) and which is being reintroduced with the upcoming
elections.
The ousted José Jerí assumed the presidency of the Republic of Peru
after Dina Boluarte was removed from office following a parliamentary
coup d’état; it should be noted that Popular Force opposed the removal
until the last moment; Therefore, Jerí’s appointment was interpreted as
a compromise solution for the other forces in the conflict; Jerí was the
right person to serve as a “fuse”. To put it more cryptically, Jerí’s
appointment was “the product of a precarious congressional architecture”
(Editorial “An interim presidency without pretensions of originality”,
La República, February 18, 2026).
The manner in which Jerí was removed from office also supports our
thesis regarding the true motive behind the most recent coup d’état: to
control the administration of the upcoming electoral farce with a figure
whose words are empty and whose influence extends no further than his
own individual.
Jerí’s vacancy took place through a precarious reactionary consensus
with no agreement other than the distribution of positions and seats,
for which the constitution and legal norms for cases of vacancy of the
president of the Republic were violated, proceeding to use the figure of
“censure of the president of the board of Parliament”.
Reasons for the above: they did not have the required number of
parliamentarians for the vacancy, which required 87 votes, two-thirds of
eligible members. And, if the vacancy procedure was carried out in
accordance with the rules, in the event of obtaining the necessary
votes, the presidency of the Republic would fall to the president in
charge of the board of directors, Rospigliosi, a representative of
Fujimorism.
El Comercio, aligned with Popular Force, editorialized on the matter:
“José Jerí fell because of his own mistakes, but Parliament has set a
terrible precedent with this censure.”
The parliamentary coup d’état that led to the reactionary Jeri being
appointed president in October last year was motivated by the need for
reactionary parties, including revisionists and opportunists, to
distance themselves from the murderous Dina government, the most reviled
reactionary government in the history of the old Peruvian State, in
order to gain electoral advantage in the April elections.
On this occasion, the real cause or motive behind the parliamentary
coup is similar to what happened in the case of the removal of the
murderous Dina; given that Jerí’s four months in office have been marked
by scandals and failures across the board and the parties are facing
further electoral decline; However, now that a precarious reactionary
convergence against Popular Force (the Fujimorist party) has been
achieved, the aim is to entrust this transitional presidency to the
right person to control the electoral farce and manage the electoral
fraud.
As the editorial in the reactionary newspaper La República rightly
points out in “An interim presidency without pretensions of originality”
(Lima, February 18, 2026), in the part we quote:
“On the eve of a fragmented election, control of the interim
executive branch represents both an opportunity and a risk. Managing the
transition offers influence, but also exposes the administration to
attrition and a potential electoral cost.”
The change of “fuse” Jerí with the new interim president, José María
Balcarzer Zelada, appears to meet the expectations of the reactionary
parliamentary agreement, namely to control the electoral farce and its
results and avoid the electoral cost of the presidential mandate.
Contrary to the intentions of its rivals in the reactionary contest,
Popular Force (FP) supported Jerí until the end and was the only party
that voted against Jerí’s censure. With the parliamentary coup d’état
now complete, it loses its “capacity to influence” in next April’s
farce.
The FP representatives attacked López Aliaga and his Popular Renewal
Party, which is as reactionary as the FP, because they voted for the
censure motion and then did not support the FP’s preferred candidate,
María Carmen Alva (Popular Action).
Thus, the reactionary political forces are positioned for the new
electoral farce less than a month and a half before it is likely to be
realized.
The appointment of the new interim president José Balcázar is the
result of the breakdown of the old State and its institutions, and the
lack of genuine reactionary political parties: Balcázar offered himself
on his own behalf and using third parties to head the administration of
the electoral fraud, assuming leadership of the old State and continuing
the fascist, genocidal, and traitorous regime that began in April 1992
with the so-called “Fujimori self-coup”. The old State functions
supported by the state bureaucracy and the genocidal armed and police
forces.
Balcázar was appointed by a narrow majority of votes, 66 in favor and
46 for his opponent, out of a total of 130 congressmen. The parliament
is made up of representatives from various reactionary electoral groups,
known as “parties”, including the opportunists of “Perú Libre”, some
rats from the ROL of the “Magesterial Bloc”,
“Socialist Bloc”, “Castillistas” and others.
The failure of the upcoming elections is pre-programmed, given the
fragmentation of the electoral offerings, in which each party seeks to
benefit its faction, group, and individuals behind the mask of more than
37 electoral acronyms that call themselves parties or fronts. All are at
the service of one or the other of the two factions of the big
bourgeoisie serving imperialism. In reactionary elections, all the
parties that participate in them are in favor of defending the order of
oppression and exploitation.
J. Balcázar’s declarations serve as an admission of what we
affirm:
“We are no longer here to fight. There is no right or left here. That
term was created by the French for the revolution; it has no ideological
basis. There isn’t one. So, friends, I feel honored by your vote, and I
believe we can tell Peruvians that it is possible to build a true
democracy. Democracy is not working. If that democracy is not corrected,
it will disappear in the future.”
Balcázar assured that the economic model will remain in place and
said that a lot can be done in a month because “it is not difficult to
govern a country.”
In other words, it will continue to run “automatically”, that is,
managed by the high state bureaucracy made up of officials serving
imperialism and the big bourgeoisie.
“Guarantee the people that there will be a democratic and transparent
transition, that there is no doubt. Maintain true peace and ensure that
we have ministries capable of fighting against citizen insecurity”.
“We are going to maintain the economic line; we are not here to
experiment”,
The quotes in quotation marks are verbatim words from the first
speech by this reactionary figure (the country’s newspapers).
As for the masses: the mobilizations that have taken place from
mid-2025 to the present show, on the one hand, the tendency of the
masses to mobilize, becoming increasingly active in growing popular
protests that express their rejection of the old State, its
institutions, representatives, petty parties, and the ongoing electoral
farce. On the other hand, they show the reactionaries, revisionists, and
opportunists seeking to drag them down the misguided path of voting and
harness them to the cart of the old State.
Change of president, crisis at the ‘heights’, crisis in the politics
of the ruling class. As on previous occasions, this new parliamentary
coup against José Jerí Oré, who headed the fascist, genocidal, and
homeland-selling regime that was inaugurated in April 1992, and his
replacement by Balcázar expresses not only the acute crisis of the old
and rotten Peruvian state, but also that of the regime itself.
To conclude, we repeat what we affirmed in October 2025, only
changing the name of the reactionary head:
The new government headed by the reactionary “Peacemaker Balcázar”,
questioned for the crime of rape, is just a change of horses in the
fascist, genocidal and homeland-selling regime. Therefore; This new
government will be more starving, genocidal and homeland-selling than
the previous one. He will seek to bring his government more in line with
the current government of Yankee imperialism, led by the genocidal
ultra-reactionary Trump.
In this situation, the masses are in an increasingly pressing need to
resist the double reactionary attack, on the one hand, from the
repressive forces of the Peruvian State itself, from the gangs of the
“warlords” of the big landlords and big mining companies, plus a triple
attack, from the ever-growing scourge of the gangs of common criminals
protected by the civil, military and police authorities of the
reactionary State.
For this reason, the current political situation is very bad for the
reaction and is very good for the revolution, it serves to advance the
task of the general reorganization of the party in and for a new leap in
the incorporation of the masses into the people’s war. To get out of the
current recess into an active people’s war.
Elections, no! People’s war, yes!
Peru People’s Movement
February 2026
JOURNALISTIC NOTE
Proletarians of all countries, unite!
NEW COUP D’ÉTAT BY MANNER OF
ELECTORAL FRAUD
On February 17, a new parliamentary “coup d’état” took place in Peru
against the reactionary president in office, José Jerí; the sixth of its
kind in the last 10 years; an expression of crisis at the ‘heights’,
crisis in the politics of the ruling class; intensification of collusion
and reactionary struggle spurred by the new electoral farce set for
April 12.
On February 18, Parliament elected José Balcázar as president of the
Board of Directors, leading him to assume the Presidency of the Republic
on an interim basis following the censure of José Jerí. Balcázar will
hold the position until July 28, 2026.
The Peruvian State is a bureaucratic dictatorship based on an
alliance between the exploiting classes: the big bourgeoisie (which is
in charge) and the landlords (under the command of imperialism). Changes
in the authorities of the old Peruvian state take place through
elections or military or parliamentary coup d’états. This allows us to
see clearly the recent development of the political situation in the
country.
The backdrop to what is happening in the reactionary camp is that the
country is in a new electoral cycle for the replacement of the
authorities of the old Peruvian state: for president, vice president,
deputies, and senators (a chamber that was eliminated after Fujimori’s
“self-coup” in 1992) and which is being reintroduced with the upcoming
elections.
The ousted José Jerí assumed the presidency of the Republic of Peru
after Dina Boluarte was removed from office following a parliamentary
coup d’état; it should be noted that Popular Force opposed the removal
until the last moment; Therefore, Jerí’s appointment was interpreted as
a compromise solution for the other forces in the conflict; Jerí was the
right person to serve as a “fuse”. To put it more cryptically, Jerí’s
appointment was “the product of a precarious congressional architecture”
(Editorial “An interim presidency without pretensions of originality”,
La República, February 18, 2026).
The manner in which Jerí was removed from office also supports our
thesis regarding the true motive behind the most recent coup d’état: to
control the administration of the upcoming electoral farce with a figure
whose words are empty and whose influence extends no further than his
own individual.
Jerí’s vacancy took place through a precarious reactionary consensus
with no agreement other than the distribution of positions and seats,
for which the constitution and legal norms for cases of vacancy of the
president of the Republic were violated, proceeding to use the figure of
“censure of the president of the board of Parliament”.
Reasons for the above: they did not have the required number of
parliamentarians for the vacancy, which required 87 votes, two-thirds of
eligible members. And, if the vacancy procedure was carried out in
accordance with the rules, in the event of obtaining the necessary
votes, the presidency of the Republic would fall to the president in
charge of the board of directors, Rospigliosi, a representative of
Fujimorism.
El Comercio, aligned with Popular Force, editorialized on the matter:
“José Jerí fell because of his own mistakes, but Parliament has set a
terrible precedent with this censure.”
The parliamentary coup d’état that led to the reactionary Jeri being
appointed president in October last year was motivated by the need for
reactionary parties, including revisionists and opportunists, to
distance themselves from the murderous Dina government, the most reviled
reactionary government in the history of the old Peruvian State, in
order to gain electoral advantage in the April elections.
On this occasion, the real cause or motive behind the parliamentary
coup is similar to what happened in the case of the removal of the
murderous Dina; given that Jerí’s four months in office have been marked
by scandals and failures across the board and the parties are facing
further electoral decline; However, now that a precarious reactionary
convergence against Popular Force (the Fujimorist party) has been
achieved, the aim is to entrust this transitional presidency to the
right person to control the electoral farce and manage the electoral
fraud.
As the editorial in the reactionary newspaper La República rightly
points out in “An interim presidency without pretensions of originality”
(Lima, February 18, 2026), in the part we quote:
“On the eve of a fragmented election, control of the interim
executive branch represents both an opportunity and a risk. Managing the
transition offers influence, but also exposes the administration to
attrition and a potential electoral cost.”
The change of “fuse” Jerí with the new interim president, José María
Balcarzer Zelada, appears to meet the expectations of the reactionary
parliamentary agreement, namely to control the electoral farce and its
results and avoid the electoral cost of the presidential mandate.
Contrary to the intentions of its rivals in the reactionary contest,
Popular Force (FP) supported Jerí until the end and was the only party
that voted against Jerí’s censure. With the parliamentary coup d’état
now complete, it loses its “capacity to influence” in next April’s
farce.
The FP representatives attacked López Aliaga and his Popular Renewal
Party, which is as reactionary as the FP, because they voted for the
censure motion and then did not support the FP’s preferred candidate,
María Carmen Alva (Popular Action).
Thus, the reactionary political forces are positioned for the new
electoral farce less than a month and a half before it is likely to be
realized.
The appointment of the new interim president José Balcázar is the
result of the breakdown of the old State and its institutions, and the
lack of genuine reactionary political parties: Balcázar offered himself
on his own behalf and using third parties to head the administration of
the electoral fraud, assuming leadership of the old State and continuing
the fascist, genocidal, and traitorous regime that began in April 1992
with the so-called “Fujimori self-coup”. The old State functions
supported by the state bureaucracy and the genocidal armed and police
forces.
Balcázar was appointed by a narrow majority of votes, 66 in favor and
46 for his opponent, out of a total of 130 congressmen. The parliament
is made up of representatives from various reactionary electoral groups,
known as “parties”, including the opportunists of “Perú Libre”, some
rats from the ROL of the “Magesterial Bloc”,
“Socialist Bloc”, “Castillistas” and others.
The failure of the upcoming elections is pre-programmed, given the
fragmentation of the electoral offerings, in which each party seeks to
benefit its faction, group, and individuals behind the mask of more than
37 electoral acronyms that call themselves parties or fronts. All are at
the service of one or the other of the two factions of the big
bourgeoisie serving imperialism. In reactionary elections, all the
parties that participate in them are in favor of defending the order of
oppression and exploitation.
J. Balcázar’s declarations serve as an admission of what we
affirm:
“We are no longer here to fight. There is no right or left here. That
term was created by the French for the revolution; it has no ideological
basis. There isn’t one. So, friends, I feel honored by your vote, and I
believe we can tell Peruvians that it is possible to build a true
democracy. Democracy is not working. If that democracy is not corrected,
it will disappear in the future.”
Balcázar assured that the economic model will remain in place and
said that a lot can be done in a month because “it is not difficult to
govern a country.”
In other words, it will continue to run “automatically”, that is,
managed by the high state bureaucracy made up of officials serving
imperialism and the big bourgeoisie.
“Guarantee the people that there will be a democratic and transparent
transition, that there is no doubt. Maintain true peace and ensure that
we have ministries capable of fighting against citizen insecurity”.
“We are going to maintain the economic line; we are not here to
experiment”,
The quotes in quotation marks are verbatim words from the first
speech by this reactionary figure (the country’s newspapers).
As for the masses: the mobilizations that have taken place from
mid-2025 to the present show, on the one hand, the tendency of the
masses to mobilize, becoming increasingly active in growing popular
protests that express their rejection of the old State, its
institutions, representatives, petty parties, and the ongoing electoral
farce. On the other hand, they show the reactionaries, revisionists, and
opportunists seeking to drag them down the misguided path of voting and
harness them to the cart of the old State.
Change of president, crisis at the ‘heights’, crisis in the politics
of the ruling class. As on previous occasions, this new parliamentary
coup against José Jerí Oré, who headed the fascist, genocidal, and
homeland-selling regime that was inaugurated in April 1992, and his
replacement by Balcázar expresses not only the acute crisis of the old
and rotten Peruvian state, but also that of the regime itself.
To conclude, we repeat what we affirmed in October 2025, only
changing the name of the reactionary head:
The new government headed by the reactionary “Peacemaker Balcázar”,
questioned for the crime of rape, is just a change of horses in the
fascist, genocidal and homeland-selling regime. Therefore; This new
government will be more starving, genocidal and homeland-selling than
the previous one. He will seek to bring his government more in line with
the current government of Yankee imperialism, led by the genocidal
ultra-reactionary Trump.
In this situation, the masses are in an increasingly pressing need to
resist the double reactionary attack, on the one hand, from the
repressive forces of the Peruvian State itself, from the gangs of the
“warlords” of the big landlords and big mining companies, plus a triple
attack, from the ever-growing scourge of the gangs of common criminals
protected by the civil, military and police authorities of the
reactionary State.
For this reason, the current political situation is very bad for the
reaction and is very good for the revolution, it serves to advance the
task of the general reorganization of the party in and for a new leap in
the incorporation of the masses into the people’s war. To get out of the
current recess into an active people’s war.
Elections, no! People’s war, yes!
Peru People’s Movement
February 2026
JOURNALISTIC NOTE
Proletarians of all countries, unite!
NEW COUP D’ÉTAT BY MANNER OF
ELECTORAL FRAUD
On February 17, a new parliamentary “coup d’état” took place in Peru
against the reactionary president in office, José Jerí; the sixth of its
kind in the last 10 years; an expression of crisis at the ‘heights’,
crisis in the politics of the ruling class; intensification of collusion
and reactionary struggle spurred by the new electoral farce set for
April 12.
On February 18, Parliament elected José Balcázar as president of the
Board of Directors, leading him to assume the Presidency of the Republic
on an interim basis following the censure of José Jerí. Balcázar will
hold the position until July 28, 2026.
The Peruvian State is a bureaucratic dictatorship based on an
alliance between the exploiting classes: the big bourgeoisie (which is
in charge) and the landlords (under the command of imperialism). Changes
in the authorities of the old Peruvian state take place through
elections or military or parliamentary coup d’états. This allows us to
see clearly the recent development of the political situation in the
country.
The backdrop to what is happening in the reactionary camp is that the
country is in a new electoral cycle for the replacement of the
authorities of the old Peruvian state: for president, vice president,
deputies, and senators (a chamber that was eliminated after Fujimori’s
“self-coup” in 1992) and which is being reintroduced with the upcoming
elections.
The ousted José Jerí assumed the presidency of the Republic of Peru
after Dina Boluarte was removed from office following a parliamentary
coup d’état; it should be noted that Popular Force opposed the removal
until the last moment; Therefore, Jerí’s appointment was interpreted as
a compromise solution for the other forces in the conflict; Jerí was the
right person to serve as a “fuse”. To put it more cryptically, Jerí’s
appointment was “the product of a precarious congressional architecture”
(Editorial “An interim presidency without pretensions of originality”,
La República, February 18, 2026).
The manner in which Jerí was removed from office also supports our
thesis regarding the true motive behind the most recent coup d’état: to
control the administration of the upcoming electoral farce with a figure
whose words are empty and whose influence extends no further than his
own individual.
Jerí’s vacancy took place through a precarious reactionary consensus
with no agreement other than the distribution of positions and seats,
for which the constitution and legal norms for cases of vacancy of the
president of the Republic were violated, proceeding to use the figure of
“censure of the president of the board of Parliament”.
Reasons for the above: they did not have the required number of
parliamentarians for the vacancy, which required 87 votes, two-thirds of
eligible members. And, if the vacancy procedure was carried out in
accordance with the rules, in the event of obtaining the necessary
votes, the presidency of the Republic would fall to the president in
charge of the board of directors, Rospigliosi, a representative of
Fujimorism.
El Comercio, aligned with Popular Force, editorialized on the matter:
“José Jerí fell because of his own mistakes, but Parliament has set a
terrible precedent with this censure.”
The parliamentary coup d’état that led to the reactionary Jeri being
appointed president in October last year was motivated by the need for
reactionary parties, including revisionists and opportunists, to
distance themselves from the murderous Dina government, the most reviled
reactionary government in the history of the old Peruvian State, in
order to gain electoral advantage in the April elections.
On this occasion, the real cause or motive behind the parliamentary
coup is similar to what happened in the case of the removal of the
murderous Dina; given that Jerí’s four months in office have been marked
by scandals and failures across the board and the parties are facing
further electoral decline; However, now that a precarious reactionary
convergence against Popular Force (the Fujimorist party) has been
achieved, the aim is to entrust this transitional presidency to the
right person to control the electoral farce and manage the electoral
fraud.
As the editorial in the reactionary newspaper La República rightly
points out in “An interim presidency without pretensions of originality”
(Lima, February 18, 2026), in the part we quote:
“On the eve of a fragmented election, control of the interim
executive branch represents both an opportunity and a risk. Managing the
transition offers influence, but also exposes the administration to
attrition and a potential electoral cost.”
The change of “fuse” Jerí with the new interim president, José María
Balcarzer Zelada, appears to meet the expectations of the reactionary
parliamentary agreement, namely to control the electoral farce and its
results and avoid the electoral cost of the presidential mandate.
Contrary to the intentions of its rivals in the reactionary contest,
Popular Force (FP) supported Jerí until the end and was the only party
that voted against Jerí’s censure. With the parliamentary coup d’état
now complete, it loses its “capacity to influence” in next April’s
farce.
The FP representatives attacked López Aliaga and his Popular Renewal
Party, which is as reactionary as the FP, because they voted for the
censure motion and then did not support the FP’s preferred candidate,
María Carmen Alva (Popular Action).
Thus, the reactionary political forces are positioned for the new
electoral farce less than a month and a half before it is likely to be
realized.
The appointment of the new interim president José Balcázar is the
result of the breakdown of the old State and its institutions, and the
lack of genuine reactionary political parties: Balcázar offered himself
on his own behalf and using third parties to head the administration of
the electoral fraud, assuming leadership of the old State and continuing
the fascist, genocidal, and traitorous regime that began in April 1992
with the so-called “Fujimori self-coup”. The old State functions
supported by the state bureaucracy and the genocidal armed and police
forces.
Balcázar was appointed by a narrow majority of votes, 66 in favor and
46 for his opponent, out of a total of 130 congressmen. The parliament
is made up of representatives from various reactionary electoral groups,
known as “parties”, including the opportunists of “Perú Libre”, some
rats from the ROL of the “Magesterial Bloc”,
“Socialist Bloc”, “Castillistas” and others.
The failure of the upcoming elections is pre-programmed, given the
fragmentation of the electoral offerings, in which each party seeks to
benefit its faction, group, and individuals behind the mask of more than
37 electoral acronyms that call themselves parties or fronts. All are at
the service of one or the other of the two factions of the big
bourgeoisie serving imperialism. In reactionary elections, all the
parties that participate in them are in favor of defending the order of
oppression and exploitation.
J. Balcázar’s declarations serve as an admission of what we
affirm:
“We are no longer here to fight. There is no right or left here. That
term was created by the French for the revolution; it has no ideological
basis. There isn’t one. So, friends, I feel honored by your vote, and I
believe we can tell Peruvians that it is possible to build a true
democracy. Democracy is not working. If that democracy is not corrected,
it will disappear in the future.”
Balcázar assured that the economic model will remain in place and
said that a lot can be done in a month because “it is not difficult to
govern a country.”
In other words, it will continue to run “automatically”, that is,
managed by the high state bureaucracy made up of officials serving
imperialism and the big bourgeoisie.
“Guarantee the people that there will be a democratic and transparent
transition, that there is no doubt. Maintain true peace and ensure that
we have ministries capable of fighting against citizen insecurity”.
“We are going to maintain the economic line; we are not here to
experiment”,
The quotes in quotation marks are verbatim words from the first
speech by this reactionary figure (the country’s newspapers).
As for the masses: the mobilizations that have taken place from
mid-2025 to the present show, on the one hand, the tendency of the
masses to mobilize, becoming increasingly active in growing popular
protests that express their rejection of the old State, its
institutions, representatives, petty parties, and the ongoing electoral
farce. On the other hand, they show the reactionaries, revisionists, and
opportunists seeking to drag them down the misguided path of voting and
harness them to the cart of the old State.
Change of president, crisis at the ‘heights’, crisis in the politics
of the ruling class. As on previous occasions, this new parliamentary
coup against José Jerí Oré, who headed the fascist, genocidal, and
homeland-selling regime that was inaugurated in April 1992, and his
replacement by Balcázar expresses not only the acute crisis of the old
and rotten Peruvian state, but also that of the regime itself.
To conclude, we repeat what we affirmed in October 2025, only
changing the name of the reactionary head:
The new government headed by the reactionary “Peacemaker Balcázar”,
questioned for the crime of rape, is just a change of horses in the
fascist, genocidal and homeland-selling regime. Therefore; This new
government will be more starving, genocidal and homeland-selling than
the previous one. He will seek to bring his government more in line with
the current government of Yankee imperialism, led by the genocidal
ultra-reactionary Trump.
In this situation, the masses are in an increasingly pressing need to
resist the double reactionary attack, on the one hand, from the
repressive forces of the Peruvian State itself, from the gangs of the
“warlords” of the big landlords and big mining companies, plus a triple
attack, from the ever-growing scourge of the gangs of common criminals
protected by the civil, military and police authorities of the
reactionary State.
For this reason, the current political situation is very bad for the
reaction and is very good for the revolution, it serves to advance the
task of the general reorganization of the party in and for a new leap in
the incorporation of the masses into the people’s war. To get out of the
current recess into an active people’s war.
Elections, no! People’s war, yes!
Peru People’s Movement
February 2026
JOURNALISTIC NOTE
Proletarians of all countries, unite!
NEW COUP D’ÉTAT BY MANNER OF
ELECTORAL FRAUD
On February 17, a new parliamentary “coup d’état” took place in Peru
against the reactionary president in office, José Jerí; the sixth of its
kind in the last 10 years; an expression of crisis at the ‘heights’,
crisis in the politics of the ruling class; intensification of collusion
and reactionary struggle spurred by the new electoral farce set for
April 12.
On February 18, Parliament elected José Balcázar as president of the
Board of Directors, leading him to assume the Presidency of the Republic
on an interim basis following the censure of José Jerí. Balcázar will
hold the position until July 28, 2026.
The Peruvian State is a bureaucratic dictatorship based on an
alliance between the exploiting classes: the big bourgeoisie (which is
in charge) and the landlords (under the command of imperialism). Changes
in the authorities of the old Peruvian state take place through
elections or military or parliamentary coup d’états. This allows us to
see clearly the recent development of the political situation in the
country.
The backdrop to what is happening in the reactionary camp is that the
country is in a new electoral cycle for the replacement of the
authorities of the old Peruvian state: for president, vice president,
deputies, and senators (a chamber that was eliminated after Fujimori’s
“self-coup” in 1992) and which is being reintroduced with the upcoming
elections.
The ousted José Jerí assumed the presidency of the Republic of Peru
after Dina Boluarte was removed from office following a parliamentary
coup d’état; it should be noted that Popular Force opposed the removal
until the last moment; Therefore, Jerí’s appointment was interpreted as
a compromise solution for the other forces in the conflict; Jerí was the
right person to serve as a “fuse”. To put it more cryptically, Jerí’s
appointment was “the product of a precarious congressional architecture”
(Editorial “An interim presidency without pretensions of originality”,
La República, February 18, 2026).
The manner in which Jerí was removed from office also supports our
thesis regarding the true motive behind the most recent coup d’état: to
control the administration of the upcoming electoral farce with a figure
whose words are empty and whose influence extends no further than his
own individual.
Jerí’s vacancy took place through a precarious reactionary consensus
with no agreement other than the distribution of positions and seats,
for which the constitution and legal norms for cases of vacancy of the
president of the Republic were violated, proceeding to use the figure of
“censure of the president of the board of Parliament”.
Reasons for the above: they did not have the required number of
parliamentarians for the vacancy, which required 87 votes, two-thirds of
eligible members. And, if the vacancy procedure was carried out in
accordance with the rules, in the event of obtaining the necessary
votes, the presidency of the Republic would fall to the president in
charge of the board of directors, Rospigliosi, a representative of
Fujimorism.
El Comercio, aligned with Popular Force, editorialized on the matter:
“José Jerí fell because of his own mistakes, but Parliament has set a
terrible precedent with this censure.”
The parliamentary coup d’état that led to the reactionary Jeri being
appointed president in October last year was motivated by the need for
reactionary parties, including revisionists and opportunists, to
distance themselves from the murderous Dina government, the most reviled
reactionary government in the history of the old Peruvian State, in
order to gain electoral advantage in the April elections.
On this occasion, the real cause or motive behind the parliamentary
coup is similar to what happened in the case of the removal of the
murderous Dina; given that Jerí’s four months in office have been marked
by scandals and failures across the board and the parties are facing
further electoral decline; However, now that a precarious reactionary
convergence against Popular Force (the Fujimorist party) has been
achieved, the aim is to entrust this transitional presidency to the
right person to control the electoral farce and manage the electoral
fraud.
As the editorial in the reactionary newspaper La República rightly
points out in “An interim presidency without pretensions of originality”
(Lima, February 18, 2026), in the part we quote:
“On the eve of a fragmented election, control of the interim
executive branch represents both an opportunity and a risk. Managing the
transition offers influence, but also exposes the administration to
attrition and a potential electoral cost.”
The change of “fuse” Jerí with the new interim president, José María
Balcarzer Zelada, appears to meet the expectations of the reactionary
parliamentary agreement, namely to control the electoral farce and its
results and avoid the electoral cost of the presidential mandate.
Contrary to the intentions of its rivals in the reactionary contest,
Popular Force (FP) supported Jerí until the end and was the only party
that voted against Jerí’s censure. With the parliamentary coup d’état
now complete, it loses its “capacity to influence” in next April’s
farce.
The FP representatives attacked López Aliaga and his Popular Renewal
Party, which is as reactionary as the FP, because they voted for the
censure motion and then did not support the FP’s preferred candidate,
María Carmen Alva (Popular Action).
Thus, the reactionary political forces are positioned for the new
electoral farce less than a month and a half before it is likely to be
realized.
The appointment of the new interim president José Balcázar is the
result of the breakdown of the old State and its institutions, and the
lack of genuine reactionary political parties: Balcázar offered himself
on his own behalf and using third parties to head the administration of
the electoral fraud, assuming leadership of the old State and continuing
the fascist, genocidal, and traitorous regime that began in April 1992
with the so-called “Fujimori self-coup”. The old State functions
supported by the state bureaucracy and the genocidal armed and police
forces.
Balcázar was appointed by a narrow majority of votes, 66 in favor and
46 for his opponent, out of a total of 130 congressmen. The parliament
is made up of representatives from various reactionary electoral groups,
known as “parties”, including the opportunists of “Perú Libre”, some
rats from the ROL of the “Magesterial Bloc”,
“Socialist Bloc”, “Castillistas” and others.
The failure of the upcoming elections is pre-programmed, given the
fragmentation of the electoral offerings, in which each party seeks to
benefit its faction, group, and individuals behind the mask of more than
37 electoral acronyms that call themselves parties or fronts. All are at
the service of one or the other of the two factions of the big
bourgeoisie serving imperialism. In reactionary elections, all the
parties that participate in them are in favor of defending the order of
oppression and exploitation.
J. Balcázar’s declarations serve as an admission of what we
affirm:
“We are no longer here to fight. There is no right or left here. That
term was created by the French for the revolution; it has no ideological
basis. There isn’t one. So, friends, I feel honored by your vote, and I
believe we can tell Peruvians that it is possible to build a true
democracy. Democracy is not working. If that democracy is not corrected,
it will disappear in the future.”
Balcázar assured that the economic model will remain in place and
said that a lot can be done in a month because “it is not difficult to
govern a country.”
In other words, it will continue to run “automatically”, that is,
managed by the high state bureaucracy made up of officials serving
imperialism and the big bourgeoisie.
“Guarantee the people that there will be a democratic and transparent
transition, that there is no doubt. Maintain true peace and ensure that
we have ministries capable of fighting against citizen insecurity”.
“We are going to maintain the economic line; we are not here to
experiment”,
The quotes in quotation marks are verbatim words from the first
speech by this reactionary figure (the country’s newspapers).
As for the masses: the mobilizations that have taken place from
mid-2025 to the present show, on the one hand, the tendency of the
masses to mobilize, becoming increasingly active in growing popular
protests that express their rejection of the old State, its
institutions, representatives, petty parties, and the ongoing electoral
farce. On the other hand, they show the reactionaries, revisionists, and
opportunists seeking to drag them down the misguided path of voting and
harness them to the cart of the old State.
Change of president, crisis at the ‘heights’, crisis in the politics
of the ruling class. As on previous occasions, this new parliamentary
coup against José Jerí Oré, who headed the fascist, genocidal, and
homeland-selling regime that was inaugurated in April 1992, and his
replacement by Balcázar expresses not only the acute crisis of the old
and rotten Peruvian state, but also that of the regime itself.
To conclude, we repeat what we affirmed in October 2025, only
changing the name of the reactionary head:
The new government headed by the reactionary “Peacemaker Balcázar”,
questioned for the crime of rape, is just a change of horses in the
fascist, genocidal and homeland-selling regime. Therefore; This new
government will be more starving, genocidal and homeland-selling than
the previous one. He will seek to bring his government more in line with
the current government of Yankee imperialism, led by the genocidal
ultra-reactionary Trump.
In this situation, the masses are in an increasingly pressing need to
resist the double reactionary attack, on the one hand, from the
repressive forces of the Peruvian State itself, from the gangs of the
“warlords” of the big landlords and big mining companies, plus a triple
attack, from the ever-growing scourge of the gangs of common criminals
protected by the civil, military and police authorities of the
reactionary State.
For this reason, the current political situation is very bad for the
reaction and is very good for the revolution, it serves to advance the
task of the general reorganization of the party in and for a new leap in
the incorporation of the masses into the people’s war. To get out of the
current recess into an active people’s war.
Elections, no! People’s war, yes!
Peru People’s Movement
February 2026
