Proletarians
of all countries, unite!
We hereby present an unofficial translation of the position of the Maoist
Communist Party of the Spanish State on the the proposal of the CCIMU “For a
Unified Maoist International Conference! – Proposal regarding the balance of
the International Communist Movement and of its current General Political Line”
Position of the Maoist Communist Party of the Spanish
State on the Unified Maoist International Conference
“Marxist philosophy holds that the law of the unity of
opposites is the fundamental law of the universe. This law operates
universally, whether in the natural world, in human society or in man’s
thought. Between the opposites in a contradiction there exists both unity and
struggle, and it is this that impels things to move and change.”
(Mao Tse Tung. Contradiction)
From the Maoist Communist Party of the Spanish State we want to make public
our position on the “Proposal on the balance of the International Communist
Movement and its current General Political Line” drafted by the Coordinating
Committee for a Unified Maoist International Conference.
We want to start from a position of humility. We are aware that our
organization is very young and still has much to learn and develop in all
aspects, from a higher ideological deepening to a greater link with the deep
and profound masses, tasks in which we are immersed in our day to day.
Since we assumed Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the contributions of universal
validity of Chairman Gonzalo in our Second Congress, our organization follows
very closely the debates that are taking place within the International
Communist Movement (ICM) regarding the Unified Maoist International Conference
(UIMC), a question that, on the other hand, we had already been doing since the
struggle to assume Maoism began in our organization. That is why we think that
it is our duty to position ourselves in the two-line struggle that is
developing today.
We will divide this writing in the points in which we consider that we can
contribute the most and in which our party wants to show its position.
-The need for a Unified Maoist
International Conference that advances towards the New International
Organization of the Proletariat.
We have chosen this point as the first one because it seems to us one of
the most important, since it is the one on which the model of the ICFTU is
based or whether it is even necessary.
Our party supports the necessary convocation and realization of this Maoist
Unified International Conference in the terms proposed by the Coordinating
Committee of the ICUMU. As the Communist Party of Peru exposed in its I
Congress, we find ourselves in the era of the struggle for the imposition of
Maoism as the third, new and superior stage of the ideology of the proletariat.
This is the reason that underlines the importance of holding this Conference.
To postpone it or to bet on broader models we believe is to conciliate and
not to clarify. If we assume that we are in the epoch of the imposition of
Maoism as ideology of the proletariat we need to clarify that we assume what
Maoism is and that we consider what is contrary to it.
Our party has assumed the definition given by Chairman Gonzalo and the
Communist Party of Peru in defining Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as:
“Maoism is the elevation of Marxism-Leninism to a
third, new and higher stage in the struggle for the proletarian leadership of
the democratic revolution, the development of the construction of socialism and
the continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat,
as proletarian cultural revolution; when imperialism deepens its decomposition
and the revolution has become the main trend of history, in the midst of the
most complex and greatest wars seen until today and the relentless struggle
against contemporary revisionism.” (Fundamental
Documents)
But the fact that we assume this definition does not mean that this is what
the totality of the International Communist Movement does. Therefore, it is
through a two-line struggle debating the definition and content of Maoism that
the correct line will be clarified, just as the PCP exposed:
“Taking into account this situation, we reaffirm in
the IV National Conference of the PCP of October 86 to develop as a fraction
within the International Communist Movement so that Marxism-Leninism-Maoism,
mainly Maoism, is the command and guide of the world revolution and we call to
raise, defend and apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism! since, only in
this way the international proletariat through its Communist Parties will be
able to lead the conquest of power and emancipate the oppressed to emancipate
itself as a class”. (International Line)
When we say that to delay the ICWU or to opt for broader models is to
conciliate, we say it because we believe that those models have already existed
in the past and do not suppose the least advance, as reality proves. We need to
build the New International Organization of the Proletariat (NOIP), that is to
say, to reconstitute the Communist International. This International can only
emerge from the struggle of two lines within the International Communist
Movement. Unless we believe that we are not at the moment to reconstitute the
International or that this is not a necessity of the international proletariat.
In our case, we have learned how to really work thanks to the study of the
ICM and the help that the Coordinating Committee of the ICWU gives us day by
day. This is a fundamental duty of the CIMU and the NOIP, to help create new
communist organizations under Maoism that constitute or reconstitute Communist
Parties. As happened in the Communist International, the ideological
orientation, that there is only one world line, and the formation of cadres, is
an indispensable work that only an international organization with a clear and
defined ideology can do.
What would we gain by postponing the ICUMU? Would it be of any use to
continue without debating the axes that generate most debate in the
International Communist Movement?
These are the questions to which we answer clearly, saying that the ICEMU
is a peremptory necessity of the entire International Communist Movement if it
wants to advance in the imposition of Maoism as the command and guide of the
world revolution. Just as the Third International was the one that imposed
Marxism-Leninism, an assumption that was made unanimously as it was exposed by
the Communist Party (Bolshevik) of the USSR, which enjoyed enormous
international prestige.
We are conscious and aware that the historical task of reconstituting the
International and defining Maoism should have corresponded to the Communist
Party of China, as in its day happened in the Soviet Union. But the triumph of
the right-wing line and the restoration of capitalism in China prevented it.
That is why it is our duty to do what Chairman Mao left undone.
We know that this process of imposing Maoism is going to be slow and
difficult, but not to take up this challenge and accept it would be cowardly.
The masses are crying out for rebellion every day, and we communists must be
the ones to lead them with Maoism as the all-powerful ideology.
We vehemently believe that it is necessary to continue dissociating
ourselves from revisionism in our days, just as Chairman Mao did when he
denounced and broke with Soviet revisionism. Ideological clarification is an
indispensable task to separate Maoism from what is revisionism.
We do not intend at this point to give lessons to anyone. There are parties
that suffered the ultra-revisionist positions of the “New Synthesis” of Avakian
or the “Prachanda “road”. Undoubtedly, if it was possible to denounce and show
to the world how opportunist, rightist and revisionist their positions were, it
was thanks to the great work that the proletarian line carried out at the
international level, both within RIM and after its end.
But we cannot think that the demarcation from revisionism is something of
the past or that when it happens it is something evident. Revisionism is
something that is intrinsic in the struggle of two lines of each party and at
the level of ICM. When the bourgeois line defends its conciliatory principles
and that make the proletariat retreat, they do it because consciously or
unconsciously they assume revisionist positions, although they do not
constitute as such a defined line.
The Communist Party of China put it this way:
“The class struggle in society inevitably has its
reflection within the Party, and this appears in a concentrated way in the form
of the two-line struggle within the Party, this too is an objective law. The
reason why there can be no doubt that the class struggle in society has its
reflection in the Party, is that our Party does not live in a vacuum, but in a
society in which classes exist, and it is possible for bourgeois ideology, the
force of old habits and international revisionist tendencies of thought to
affect and poison our Party … The ten major two-line struggles that our Party
has gone through in the course of its 50-year history have all been reflections
within the Party of the class struggle nationally and internationally …”
That all communists have a General Political Line that comes out of the
ICWU and that is the one that builds the foundations of the International will
mean a definitive advance that will make us advance in the class struggle and
empower the New Great Wave of the World Proletarian Revolution, a process that
is evidenced by the popular wars that day by day illuminate the world in Peru,
Turkey, India and the Philippines.
Such is the need of the ICWU in these days.
-The main contradiction of our world
It seems important to us to position ourselves with respect to what is the
main contradiction in our days.
At present, as defined by Comrade Stalin and later completed by Chairman
Gonzalo, in our world there are four fundamental contradictions. This is how
the Declaration of the Coordinating Committee of the ICUMU puts it:
“1) the contradiction between capitalism and socialism
– the contradiction between the two radically different systems will take this
whole period and it will be one of the last to be resolved, it will last even
after the seizure of Power; 2) the contradiction between bourgeoisie and
proletariat – it is the contradiction between two opposed classes and will also
remain after the seizure of Power, it manifests itself in various ideological,
political and economic forms until its solution when we enter communism; 3) the
interimperialist contradictions – these are the contradictions between the
imperialists for world hegemony, it takes place between the superpowers,
between the superpowers and the imperialist powers and between the imperialist
powers, this contradiction will be resolved in the period of 50 to 100 years;
4) the contradiction between oppressed nations and imperialism – it is the
struggle for the liberation of the oppressed nations to destroy imperialism and
the reaction, its solution is also included within the 50 to 100 years, it is
the historically principal contradiction during this whole period of time;
however, any of the four fundamental contradictions can become the principal
according to specific circumstances of class struggle, temporarily, or in
certain countries, but the historically principal contradiction will again
express itself as such until its final resolution.”
Our organization agrees with this definition and assumes it in its
entirety.
Now, what is the main contradiction of all these fundamental
contradictions? This question is not trivial, since our strategy and tactics
depend on it.
We defend that the main contradiction is that between oppressed nations and
imperialist countries, we consider that this contradiction is the very essence
of imperialism, without it it could not exist.
Our world is divided between those countries that are imperialist and those
that are semi-colonial or colonial countries. At the level of imperialist
countries, we think that U.S. imperialism is the main imperialist power,
although there are others, such as Russia or China, these do not have the
degree of imperialist development that the United States has.
We say this because the United States is the country that exports the most
capital, besides being the one that sustains NATO and allocates the greatest
percentage of its economy. The U.S. economy has incredible economic imbalances
derived from these issues, since it must allocate a huge cost for its military
industry and all that this entails, which ends up generating internal
contradictions by the low standard of living of the masses in the United
States, while it is the main imperialist power and who sells the life model of
capitalist society.
By its imperialist policy and its genocidal actions, the United States has
earned the hatred of all the oppressed countries and the masses of the world.
The semicolonial countries are home to the majority of the world’s
population and the poorest. Day by day they have to see how they are plundered
and assaulted by imperialism, mainly U.S., but not exclusively. They are
countries that live in a state of poverty that clashes head-on with the
difference in the way of life of the imperialist countries, whether they are of
the first or second order. They suffer, also, the imperialist contradiction in
their own flesh, being battlefields between different imperialist interests.
In these countries developed bureaucratic capitalism as defined by Chairman
Mao, capitalism that develops on the basis of semi-feudalism and is tied to the
land, thus generating a form of government that prevents the development of the
country by being totally linked to the imperialism that exploits it. The only
solution for the emancipation of these countries is the People’s War, which in
these countries takes the form of agrarian war. Only in this way will it be
possible to put an end to the land problem and destroy the old inherited feudal
order, thus putting an end to bureaucratic capitalism and establishing the
Republic of New Democracy.
Imperialism cannot but continue oppressing these countries and exporting
capital while plundering them, it is its very nature and without it it would be
dead. That is why they are constantly looking for new ways to continue their
war of plunder, they do not care about the death of the masses, they only seek
to continue gaining more and more to survive.
That is why the oppressed countries of the Third World, the countries of
Asia, Africa and Latin America, are the very basis of the World Proletarian
Revolution and those where the People’s War will necessarily be unleashed
imminently. For this it is necessary to pay special attention to the
constitution or reconstitution of authentic Communist Parties based on
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism,
We see then how, the main contradiction being that of imperialist countries
and oppressed nations, the collision between imperialist countries is the main
tendency of our world. Imperialism needs to continue exporting capital, for
this it needs new markets, and for this reason it constantly clashes with other
imperialisms. The war in Ukraine shows this undeniable reality. If war is
inevitable because of the tendency of imperialism to collide, equally
undeniable is the revolution in our days. For this reason we need to strengthen
ourselves with the ICWU and the creation of the NOIP, which knows how to orient
the ICM in a unified way.
As the Coordinating Committee of the CIMU states in its declaration:
“Since the beginning of this epoch, the crisis of imperialism
and bureaucratic capitalism sharpens in the whole world. Whenever its
decomposition deepens, all the contradictions sharpen; which develops further
the revolutionary situation in uneven development in the whole world. The
situation is expressed by the great activity of the masses, its explosiveness
makes all reactionaries and their revisionist lackeys tremble. It is expressed
everywhere at great explosions never seen before. The objective situation meets
at fast pace with the subjective factor, principally the process of the
Communist Parties, as marxist-leninist-maoist, principally maoist parties of a
new type to initiate new People’s Wars. Thus a new moment opens, a period of
revolutions as part of this new great wave of the world proletarian revolution,
within the period of the “50 to 100 years” in which includes the strategic
offensive of the world revolution. This situation determines the tasks, the
strategy and the tactics of the Communist Parties in the whole world.”
The rest of the fundamental contradictions of
imperialism are also of great importance, since in each country we must study
the material reality dialectically and see how these act and how we must fight
against them, putting the focus on the main one and how the rest necessarily depend
on it.
-To assume the line of the universality
of the People’s War is the international proletarian line.
A point that we consider key in this debate is the universality of the
People’s War, since on its resolution depends the revolutionary strategy of the
Party for the seizure of power and how it is organized, both the Party itself
and the three instruments of the revolution.
In the debate of our Second Congress, our organization debated and assumed
as such the universality of the People’s War, understanding that the People’s
War is an integral part of the new, third and higher stage of the ideology of
the proletariat, that is, of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Therefore there is no
People’s War without Maoism or vice versa. The Communist Party of Peru itself
pointed out that they only fully understood and assumed Maoism when initiating
and developing the People’s War. That is why we assume and defend the thesis
put forward by the Coordinating Committee of the CIMU in its statement when it
affirms:
“People’s War is the superior form of struggle,
through which the fundamental problems of revolution are solved, all that is
good comes for the people comes from it; it is the military strategy that
correspond to the political strategy (conquest of power) to transform society
in favor of the Class and the people; it is the principal form of struggle and
the People’s Army is the principal form of organization, an army of a new type
that combats, mobilizes, politicizes, organizes and arms the masses, and
produces. People’s War is a war of masses led by the Communist Party to conquer
the New Power, which is materialized in the people’s committees and base areas
for the conquest of Power in the whole country.
In order to carry out People’s War it is necessary to
have four fundamental problems in mind: 1) ideology of the proletariat,
marxism-leninism-maoism, applied to the concrete practice and the
particularities of revolution on each country, both oppressed countries or
imperialist countries; 2) the necessity of the Communist Party that leads the
People’s War; 3) specification of the political strategy for the democratic or
socialist revolution and the path of it; 4) base areas. The New Power, or
Front-New State that is formed in the base areas are the core of the People’s
War.”
This question seems to us key because many times the arguments are based on
the fact that the People’s War is only applicable to the semicolonial countries
or the impossibility of its development in the imperialist countries due to the
impossibility of applying the classic thesis “from the countryside to the
city”.
The People’s War is above all the war of the masses. Our task in the
present phase, of constitution or reconstitution of Communist Parties, is to
persist in the mass line, mobilizing, politicizing and organizing the masses.
Going from the most local and concrete action to the broadest and most complex,
arming them in the revolutionary development, and always having clear the
objective that guides us. As the comrades of the Communist Party of Brazil (Red
Fraction) expose in their text “People’s War and Revolution”:
“It is the war that, taking the principle that it is
the masses who make history, starts from the concrete reality in which, in a
general way the masses are relatively disorganized, but that in the long term
they will become organized, passing from disorganized powerful force to
organized powerful force, through well delimited stages of the development of
the armed struggle, applying in combat at the strategic level the relative
superiority of forces and in the tactical the absolute superiority.”
We cannot accept the argument that People’s War is not Maoist because it
was not developed by Chairman Mao. It seems to us deeply metaphysical to want
to reduce Maoism to Chairman Mao’s life work. This is fundamental and should be
studied in detail. But, just as Leninism did not stop with the death of Comrade
Lenin in 1924, Maoism does not end in 1976. It is therefore essential to study
all the revolutionary experiences that have taken place up to the present day.
It is especially important for us the experiences of the struggles that have
taken place in imperialist countries, because of our own context, and which
always come to reinforce the principle that the masses do not reject violence,
they exercise it day by day in their just demands. The duty of the Communist
Party is therefore to lead this just rebellion towards the seizure of power by
means of the People’s War.
We quote again the Brazilian comrades in their same work to make our
position clearer:
“Our strength lies in the fact that we fight for a
just cause to destroy the rotten machine that oppresses the masses by
destroying and sweeping away the old social relations part by part, in which we
will count on the growing incorporation of the masses. We wage just war against
unjust war. Ultimately we wage war to conquer eternal peace. Our weakness lies
in the immediate situation of dispersion and disorganization of the masses.”
In addition, we want to show the unfeasibility of continuing to maintain
and bet on insurrection as a universal strategy that has only led to the most
absolute degeneration of the Communist Parties by ending up assuming bourgeois
parliamentarism as a “form of struggle”.
Insurrection is part of the People’s War, we do not disdain it. But we
believe that the idealization of insurrection as a process that occurs almost
idealistically is precisely that, an idea that has nothing material. The
experiences of insurrections, among which the Great October Socialist
Revolution stands out, did not achieve power until after the war. The premise of
the “accumulation of forces” has always led to the self-destruction of the
parties by ending up adhering to revisionism. At present, all the parties that
have assumed this thesis in the imperialist countries have always ended up,
inexcusably, in revisionism and claudication. Moreover, comrade Lenin himself
already exposed that, in the epoch of imperialism, the proletarian revolution
would only be possible through war, since imperialism can only be maintained
with the development of counterrevolutionary wars.
We will end this section quoting the PCP in its “Fundamental Documents”:
“A key and decisive question is the understanding of
the universal validity of the people’s war and its consequent application,
taking into account the different types of revolution and the specific
conditions of each revolution. It will serve this key question to consider that
there has been no repetition of an insurrection like that of Petrograd, the
anti-fascist resistance and the European guerrillas in World War II, as well as
the armed struggles being waged in Europe today; and to see that, after all,
the October Revolution was not only insurrection but a revolutionary war that
lasted several years. Consequently, in the imperialist countries the revolution
can only be conceived of as revolutionary war, and this today is simply
people’s war.”
-On Comrade Stalin
The question of Comrade Stalin is a fundamental question in order to make a
correct evaluation of the construction of socialism in the Soviet Union and of
the work of the Communist International until its dissolution.
Moreover, for communists, defending comrade Stalin is an inexcusable duty,
since he is one of the figures most vilified by the bourgeois press on
countless occasions, and we must defend him as leader of the first socialist
state with the difficult task of building socialism and exporting the
revolution.
As the comrades of the Communist Party of Brazil (Red Fraction) expound in
their text “Uphold
the red flag of the Communist International and of its 7th Congress”:
“At the end of the 1920 and 1930 years, comrade Stalin
had to give great attention to the heating two-line struggle, which was
developing itself within the Communist Party (Bolshevik) of the USSR through
which the great challenge of building Socialism for the first time in history
and the preparation of the USSR facing the imminent imperialist aggression. It
is false what pseudo-historians and other detractors affirm, that Stalin left
the direction of the Communist International aside. The direction of the
Communist International and the problems of the International Communist
Movement were under growing attention and direction of comrade Stalin, in his
condition of acknowledged Great Leader of the world revolution. To separate the
role of comrade Stalin from the 7th Congress, from the problems of the Second
World War and the Great Chinese Revolution is to negate his acknowledged
condition of Great Leader of the World Revolution. Then we ask: after all, the
great and glorious triumph over Nazi-Fascism was it or was it not due to the
direction of comrade Stalin? And if we agree with the reality that yes, it was
due to the magisterial direction of the great general Stalin, with which line
was such a glorious triumph achieved? Isn’t it clear that it was with the line
of the 7th Congress or was it despite of it? Not having this clear is, in
summary, to oppose Stalin against Chairman Mao and to fracture
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.”
We fully share this view.
After the October Revolution, Stalin faced a left opposition (Shliápnikov,
Kollontai) and a right opposition (Bukharin, Zinoviev, Kamenev) which agreed on
the impossibility of the construction of socialism in the USSR, as well as
fighting against the liquidationist, opportunist and petty-bourgeois positions
of Trotskyism. He defended the theory of socialism of a single country and
implemented several measures, first with the New Economic Policy for the
development of industry and later the socialist industrialization of the
country with the five-year plans. Stalin had to deal with bureaucracy and
corruption within the Party, as well as leading the country in the face of the
fascist threat from Hitler’s Germany.
Stalin demonstrated in his struggle against fascism his ability to mobilize
the Soviet masses in defense of the state of our class, he knew how to deal and
cooperate with the bourgeois democracies when this was in the interests of the
revolution, in short, he knew how to structure a revolutionary strategy where
not only the USSR was the country that defeated fascism, but also gave a hard
blow to imperialism and the capitalist system with the establishment of popular
democracies in Eastern Europe. It managed to win the esteem of the peoples
towards the revolution for its great participation in the liberation and
defense of the international working class.
Another positive and fundamental contribution of Comrade Stalin was his
leading role in the International Communist Movement in the struggle against
right and left deviations. There are many examples of his revolutionary
vigilance: in the specific case of the Spanish State, we can highlight the
struggle against the leftism of the Communist Party of Spain in the 30’s, when
the International dismissed the leadership of the Spanish Section due to the
problems of sectarianism and leftism that caused the total irrelevance of the
PCE; another example would be the struggle against one of the greatest
rightists of his time, Earl Browder, who wanted to dissolve the CPUSA within
the Democratic Party; In this period the struggle against Tito, his right-wing
drifts and his counterrevolutionary attacks on socialism was especially
important; finally, another example of special interest for the Spanish
communists is the so-called “Stalin Directive”, by which the PCE turned to mass
and proletarian work and abandoned the leftist policies that it developed in
the anti-Francoist struggle. As we see, from beginning to end Stalin fought
against the enemies of the revolution, both in the USSR and outside it,
understanding perfectly the international role of the proletarian revolution.
In addition to his contributions on the national question, we must mention
two of his greatest theoretical and practical contributions: the synthesis and
definition of Marxism-Leninism we owe to comrade Stalin, and perhaps this is
one of the greatest gifts given to the communists of the whole world. Stalin
knew how to condense, synthesize and popularize Lenin’s theoretical and
practical legacy, and this is an incalculable contribution to the World
Proletarian Revolution. Thanks to works such as Foundations of Leninism (1924) or Questions of
Leninism (1926), a great part of the revolutionaries of
the world have entered into the revolutionary science, we have banished
multiple deviations or initial erroneous ideas and we have understood a great
part of the greatness of Lenin’s contributions.
The other great theoretical and practical contribution is the main struggle
that Stalin had to tackle within the revolutionary movement: the struggle
against Trotskyism was the main contradiction for decades for the Soviet and
International Communist Movement. The fight against this counterrevolutionary,
ultra opportunist and ultra leftist tendency was one of the greatest
difficulties and one of Stalin’s greatest achievements. This revolutionary
leader knew how to differentiate and explain to us perfectly the antagonism of
Trotskyism with Lenin’s theses, and at the same time he annihilated its
importance in many places of the world.
Finally, it is worth mentioning other interesting contributions of
interest: to deepen in the role of self-criticism and how to apply it correctly
by each comrade within the Party; contributions that can be very useful to us
today regarding the role of the Youth of the Masses and its link with the Party;
special attention was also paid to the struggle against the left and right
deviations in the Communist Movement, with numerous texts against both the
right-wing and left-wing deviations, which seriously affected not only the
Communist Party (Bolshevik), but the whole of the International Communist
Movement.
In spite of the deficiencies that Stalin may have had and that his
contributions did not qualitatively surpass Marxism-Leninism, his role in the
International Communist Movement was mostly positive, and so we must claim it.
Comrade Stalin defends the Leninist legacy before the contemporary revisionism
and undertakes the great task of building socialism, and as we have exposed, he
makes important theoretical contributions in the national question and in the
right of self-determination of the nations. But Stalin does not develop Marxism
qualitatively, because he does not develop theoretical questions which
establish a paradigm to be applied in revolutionary practice -as Lenin does and
as Chairman Mao Tse Tung will do- nor does he establish a method and style of
revolutionary work. There is no Stalinist method of work nor is there a
Stalinist party; Stalin developed and applied the Leninist conceptions of the
Party, the State and the revolution. Stalin was a staunch defender of
Marxism-Leninism, but he did not evolve Marxism to the next stage. The defense
of comrade Stalin is a fundamental task of the International Communist
Movement, not only for being one of the most attacked communists in our country,
but for the work he did in favor of the emancipation of the working class.
After recognizing that it is obvious that there were mistakes in Stalin’s
leadership, it is necessary to contextualize them: we must understand that he
was not the great culprit of the debacle of the International Communist
Movement, since a great personality does not make history.
As Chairman Gonzalo masterfully exposed:
“Comrade Stalin has been a great Marxist-Leninist. Did
he make mistakes? Yes, but he never sold the revolution, he may have been
wrong, he may not have comprehended; as the Chairman has taught us, his mistake
started from an insufficient comprehension of dialectics, there was metaphysics
in himself, thisis where the problem of comrade Stalin derives from; but no one
can deny his enormous role nor take away his condition of Great Leader of the
International Proletariat in decades, confronting for the very first time the
construction of socialism, without precedents, nor the great effort that he led
in the Second World War. He made contributions. Of course he did! It can not be
denied to him. We have to know how to appreciate. There we have then five. When
adding the three, they are five; but it is a pleiad, a considerable whole
composed of great figures, of titans of thought and action. There then it is
comprised. Why haven’t we enumerated them? That wayit’s clear that there are
three great figures: Marx, Lenin, Chairman Mao Tsetung. That is the reason. Can
you see it?”
This is fundamental if we really want to make a dialectical analysis of the
historical situation, of the two-line struggle existing in Marxism from its
birth to the present day, and an analysis that puts the masses and not only the
great historical figures at the center of the debate. On the other hand, the
internal political and ideological struggle is not born with Stalin, but is
found in the Soviet and formerly Russian revolutionary movement, from its
birth, since the two-line struggle is in everything, it is born with the
beginning of Marxism and of all revolutionary struggle. Continuing with this
line of argument, it is fair to recognize that it also had to face a great
problem: the confrontation against fascism, prevented the possibility of
holding congresses in the CP(b) of the USSR from 1939 to 1952, and in turn
caused the loss of thousands of communist cadres, who fought and died against
fascism, which undoubtedly caused an imbalance and a serious lack of
intermediate cadres, which allowed opportunists and careerists to climb the
ladder. This undoubtedly contributed to facilitate the triumph of the
revisionist line that had strengthened during these years.
We subscribe to the following words of the Chinese Communist Party:
“Stalin led the CPSU and the Soviet people, after
Lenin’s death, in resolutely fighting both internal and external foes, and in
safeguarding and consolidating the first socialist state in the world. (…) In
his way of thinking, Stalin departed from dialectical materialism and fell into
metaphysics and subjectivism on certain questions and consequently he was
sometimes divorced from reality and from the masses. In struggles inside as
well as outside the Party, on certain occasions and on certain questions he
confused two types of contradictions which are different in nature, contradictions
between ourselves and the enemy and contradictions among the people, and also
confused the different methods needed in handling them. (…) Stalin’s merits and
mistakes are matters of historical, objective reality. A comparison of the two
shows that his merits outweighed his faults. He was primarily correct, and his
faults were secondary. In summing up Stalin’s thinking and his work in their
totality, surely every honest Communist with a respect for history will first
observe what was primary in Stalin. Therefore, when Stalin’s errors are being
correctly appraised, criticized and overcome, it is necessary to safeguard what
was primary in Stalin’s life, to safeguard Marxism-Leninism, which he defended
and developed.” (On The Question Of Stalin, Second Comment on the Open Letter
of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Editorial Departments of Renmin Ribao and
Hongqi)
-Conclusions
With this document we want to show in a decisive way our positions and our
subscription to the Declaration to the Coordinating Committee of the ICUMU.
That is why we accept and submit to the principles published in the document:
* Contradiction, the only fundamental law of the
incessant transformation of eternal matter;
* The masses make history and rebellion is justified;
* Class struggle, dictatorship of the proletariat and
proletarian internationalism;
* Integrating the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism
with the concrete practice of the revolution in each country;
* Necessity of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist
Party that firmly applies independence, self-decision and self-sustainability;
* To fight imperialism, revisionism and reaction indestructibly
and relentlessly;
* Conquer and defend the power with the people’s war;
* Two-line struggle as the driving force of party
development;
* Constant ideological transformation and always
putting politics in command;
* Serve the people and the world proletarian
revolution;
* Absolute selflessness and just and correct style of
work;
* To go against the current.
We consider essential the honest two-line struggle within the ICM, since
only in this way can we advance in the realization of the ICWU and the
construction of the NOIP.
We are aware that there are many things in the ink that we have left to
expose or explain, we plan to continue publishing documents depending on the
development of the debate and how the parties and organizations of the ICM are positioning
themselves.
At this point it seems to us absolutely necessary to recognize and
emphasize once again that our party is very young and needs to continue
developing in all aspects, from the international sphere to the mass line
itself in the Spanish State. Our party did not live the RIM, we have not lived
nor participated in the Meetings of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and
Organizations at any level, so our degree of development is much lower than
other parties with much more experience and knowledge at all levels.
However, this is not an impediment for us to express ourselves and
recognize ourselves as heirs of the best of the Spanish Communist Movement and
the ICM. Precisely today we are seeing how in all parts of the world parties
and organizations are emerging that claim to be Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, which
shows how the revolution is the main trend and how necessary is a NOIP to guide
them in their work.
We would like to end this document by
recalling Chairman Mao’s statement that we are in the period of 50 to 100 years. We must not forget this and recognize that if we are in that period, the ICUMU and
the reconstitution of the Communist International is more necessary than ever.
“The next 50 to 100 years or so, as of today, will be
a great epoch of radical change of the social system in the world, anepoch that
will shake the earth, anepoch with which no other previous historical epoch can
be compared. Living in such an epoch, we must be ready to fight a great
struggle whose forms will have many different characteristics from the past.”
LONG LIVE THE UNIFIED MAOIST
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE!
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