November 10, 2021
Proletarians of all countries,
unite!
Imperialism and the Coup
d´États in Africa
On Tuesday
the 21st of September, Sudanese state media reported that an attempted coup had
been thwarted. The putschists were identified by the
Sudanese officials as supporters of the former regime of Omar
al-Bashir, which was toppled in a coup back in 2019. Had the attempt not been
thwarted, it would’ve been the fourth successful coup this year in a continent
that has so far seen 208 coups and coup attempts since 1955.
The
persisting and reoccurring coups and civil wars in the oppressed nations are
symptoms of bureaucratic capitalism, the backward capitalism on a
semi-feudal basis that is developed by imperialism in its colonies and
semi-colonies. Coups and civil wars are natural occurrences in bureaucratic
capitalism, which is fundamentally flawed by the conditions of its
existence that is, on the basis of the semi-feudalism corresponding to
medieval times and imperialist oppression, the social, political, etc.,
superstructure of these countries is built upon. The landlord-bureaucratic
states in the service of imperialism, where one becomes the main one as the
case may be.
On the other
hand, they are often orchestrated directly by imperialism as means of indirect
intervention, i.e. through internal forces under its control but less
antagonistic than direct intervention or military intervention with occupying
forces, by the sharing out of colonies and semi-colonies which imperialism, in
collusion and struggle, uses in times when the struggle for spheres of
influence is sharpening but collusion remains the main thing (see quote from
Chairman Mao in this same article).
On the other
hand, they are often directly orchestrated by imperialism as less antagonistic
means of struggle for the repartition of the colonies and semi-colonies that
imperialism, in collusion and struggle, utilize in the times when collusion is
the principal.
In this characterization of
the general situation in the countries of bureaucratic capitalism, we refer to
the description of the conditions in China before the 2nd World War, as
outlined in the book The Socialist Transformation of the National
Economy in China, where the country is described as being “… a
battle-ground where the imperialist nations … haggled over spheres of influence
and waged sharp struggles against each other.”
Although the
extent of imperialist involvement in each coup varies and is sometimes unknown,
we don’t have to look far to find out: (1) Which imperialists the various
sections of the comprador bourgeoisie and the bureaucratic bourgeoisie garner
their political or logistical support from in the struggle among themselves for
a greater piece of the pie, (2) which particular imperialists’ interests are at
play, and as follows (3) which imperialists benefit from the rise and fall of
the particular regimes.
The Rise of Chinese Social-imperialism in Sudan
Since formal
independence, Sudan has been witness to shifting regimes and multiple coups,
but from 1986, British imperialism – the country’s former colonial master, had
a solid foothold in the country through the regime of President Ahmad
al-Mirghani and Prime Minister Sadiq al-Mahdi.
In return
for his loyalty, al-Mirghani was rewarded by the British imperialists, as
revealed by the “Panama Papers”, with an offshore company worth several million
dollars at the time of his death, as well as with tax evasion through the tax
haven The British Virgin Islands, and a bank account for the company in the UK,
of which al-Mirghani was the sole authorized signatory.
The foothold
of British imperialism would however slip when the al-Mirghani regime was
ousted by the 1989-coup led by Omar al-Bashir. The al-Bashir regime quickly
made moves to subjugate Sudan to Chinese Social-imperialism, who very soon
became the principal imperialist in the country.
Throughout its 30-year reign,
the regime proved itself to be loyal lackeys of Chinese social-imperialism and
a textbook example of a Chinese semi-colony. According to statistics from the
Bank of Sudan, China accounted for 76% of Sudan’s exports and 22% of imports
from 2005 to 2009. The regime were persistent in providing the Chinese
imperialists with concessions in the major industries of the country,
especially in the oil sector, and invited the China National Petroleum
Corporation (CNPC) to set up offices in Khartoum, the capital of
Sudan, in 1995.
The shares
of Chinese imperialism in oil concessions in Sudan (1999-2008):
|
Total oil investment |
47.3% |
|
Upstream oil investment |
43.8% |
|
Downstream oil investment |
56.9% |
|
Oil pipe lines |
47.6% |
|
Oil refinery |
50% |
|
Petrochemicals |
95% |
|
Oil refinery and petrochemicals |
51% |
|
Oil marketing, industry and manufacturing |
12.5% |
Data from Sudan Ministry of Energy and Mining.
Both Chinese
state-owned and privately-owned monopolist oil corporations acquired major
shares in the various companies operating within the oil industry in Sudan.
Throughout the years the oil projects of the Chinese imperialists would expand
even further, with the construction of major infrastructure for extraction and
transportation.
During the time of the Chinese
imperialists’ principal domination of Sudan, they consistently used the classic
imperialist push-and-pull tactic; Granting loans the country cannot possibly
repay, and then essentially forcing them to sign their predatory deals of «debt
relief» to further entangle them in their claws.
The Fall of Chinas “Prodigy Semi-colony”
In addition
to carrying the enormous debt on its shoulders, the economy of Sudan was still
limping from the subsequent depression of the global cyclical crisis of 2008.
Then, the economy of Sudan would deteriorate even further, in late 2017, as the
crisis of bureaucratic capitalism worsened exponentially. Roughly a year into
the crisis, in September of 2018, inflation rose to 68%, among the highest in the
world. Many cash mashines ran out of banknotes and as follows people were
unable to get their wages. General food shortages and a severe increase in the
price of bread caused long lines outside of bakeries.
On September
9th, al-Bashir dissolved the government, fired many of the state functionaries
and appointed new ones. The state introduced emergency austerity measures,
devastating the living conditions of the masses even further, in a desperate
attempt to halt the rapid acceleration of the crisis. This of course was to no
avail, and in December, inflation rose even further, to 72%.
The roar of
the masses shook the country, and Sudan lit up like a mighty prairie fire. All
over the country, the masses took to the streets in fierce struggle. True to
its nature, the state utilized the military in the harsh repression of the
protests, but their killings could never extinguish the flames.
Having roused and acquired the
rage and hatred of the masses even more than before, the native
big bourgeoisie was now trembling with fear. Faced with the decay
of bureaucratic capitalism and the biggest popular rebellion the
country had seen in his 30-year reign, al-Bashir took steps to introduce
fascism in the beginning of 2019, as he declared a one-year state of emergency,
dissolved central and state governments, and halted constitutional amendments.
Riding the Wave
While the
country was in a state of chaos, and the al-Bashir-regime was too busy with
their attempts to stifle the popular rebellion in the country, a group of
putschists led by army generals Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and Ahmed Awad Ibn Auf
seized the opportunity on April 11th 2019. They initiated the coup that would
put an end to the 30-year reign of the al-Bashir regime.
Ibn Auf
resigned from his position as provisional head of state after a day to pave the
way for al-Burhan to assume the position. In unscrupulous and vain attempts to
acquire support from the masses for his coup, al-Burhan had previously met with
protestors to “listen to their demands”. But the masses are not fooled so
easily, and when news of the coup d’etat reached them, they reacted with spite.
The junta
immediately failed in their measly attempts to maintain the mask of being
“saviours of the masses”. Confirming what the masses knew already, al-Burhan
proved himself to be yet another vile lackey and ruthless tyrant. Hoping to
relish in riches in return for subjugating Sudan to “western”, principally
Yankee imperialism, these greedy dogs could not risk losing face in the eyes of
the “western” imperialists powers as “competent and reliable compradors”.
Therefore,
the junta naturally continued the repressive measures of the previous regime to
try to quell the rebellious mood of the masses. This culminated in what would
be known as the Khartoum massacre on June 3rd, 2019, when the army and
paramilitaries viciously attacked masses staging a sit-in protest. Over 128
people were killed, with bodies seen scattered in the Nile river. Over 650
people were injured, and over 70 men and women were raped in the streets by the
army. In response to this, millions all over Sudan carried out a general strike
starting on June 9th.
A country
with general strikes and savage massacres does not exactly seem like a
promising and viable investment destination, and so al-Burhan did not exactly
manage to portray himself as competent in the eyes of “western” imperialist
powers.
Attempting
to maintain a semblance of an image as the world bastion of “freedom and
democracy”, Yankee imperialism had to symbolically condemn the actions of the
Sudanese government. But with Sudan being incredibly rich on natural resources,
the Yankee parasites could of course not turn away this opportunity that came
with the new government, to gain dominance in the country and to ruthlessly
exploit it.
The Rise of
“Western” imperialists, principally Yankee imperialism
Encouraged
by the Yankees in the hope of establishing stability, the regime pledged in
August of 2019 to initiate a five-year transition from military junta into a
“civilian” government. Abdalla Hamdok, a more reliable and “civilized” lackey,
or in the words of the U.S. Department of State a former “international civil
servant”, was appointed Prime Minister and Head of Government, while al-Burhan
remains the President.
The country
is still deep in crisis, and in early 2021, inflation was reported by Sudan’s
Central Bureau of Statistics to be at more than 300%. The combative spirit of
the masses has remained unwavering. Thursday September 30th, Reuters reported
that 20,000 people demonstrated against the regime in the capital, Khartoum. In
light of this, the first priority of the “western” imperialist powers,
principally Yankee imperialism, has been to establish order and stability in
the country.
According to Investment Mointor, The U.S. State Department
said that a number of Yankee corporations had made enquiries about investing in
Sudan in 2019 and 2020, but it advised them to proceed with caution, citing the
instability in the country and the subsequent inefficiency of the regime of
the comprador faction of the big bourgeoisie. Western imperialist powers
has however endorsed the regime politically, with the Yankees removing Sudan
from it’s list of “State Sponsors of Terrorism” after 27 years, in December of
2020. Especially in 2021, “western” imperialist powers made moves to subjugate
Sudan economically.
In January of this year, the
Yankee state-owned ‘Export-Import Bank’ made plans to implement
their “EXIM financing” in Sudan, guaranteeing Yankee economic dominance in
the country by making things more convenient for Yankee corporations. In March,
the Corporate Council on Africa hosted a webinar called the ‘U.S.-Sudan
Business and Investment Forum’. This year, Yankee imperialism also pledged to
“help clear” $1.055 billion dollars of debt arrears Sudan has with the
World Bank, so that Sudan can acquire new loans.
At the
“France-Sudan Business Forum”, on May 17th, French imperialism announced the
“cancellation” of $5 billion out of the $60 billion dollar debt Sudan “owes”
France. The Yankee, German, British and Norwegian imperialists have also made
plans of “debt-cancellation” with the regime. The “compassionate Samaritans” of
French, Swedish and British imperialism has been “kind enough” to grant Sudan
new loans, so that it can repay its debt to the IMF and African Development
Bank. In June, the IMF announced “debt relief” to the country, as well as
funding of $2.5 billion over the span of three years.
‘A Battle-Ground of Imperialism’
The
2019-coup d’etat and the subsequent fall of its semi-colonial foothold in Sudan
was a major blow to Chinese social-imperialism in Africa. Since then, decades
of permeate Chinese economic domination and political influence in the country
has been uprooted by the new regime. Chinese social-imperialism, with its
offensive plans for the expansion of its spheres of dominance, would naturally
not sit idly by while this all occurred.
Roughly
three months after the coup that ousted al-Bashir, in July of 2019, the new
regime announced that it had foiled a coup-attempt made by some officers and
soldiers in the army. Little information about the attempt was disclosed,
although it’s likely that the putschists were loyal to al-Bashir and to the Chinese
imperialists.
Later the
same month, the Sudanese military announced that it had thwarted yet another
coup-attempt. This time explicitly claiming that the arrested putschists, an
unspecified number of senior officers from the army, were plotting to restore
the al-Bashir regime.
In April of
2020, there was a failed assassination attempt against Prime Minister Hamdok.
His convoy was attacked and hit by a bomb in Khartoum. Sudanese authorities
describe the attempt as “professionally plotted”. A previously unheard-of group
calling itself ‘Sudanese Islamic Youth Movement – Sudan Taliban’ claimed
responsibility for the attack, but parts of Sudanese authorities blamed the
attempt on certain ‘top generals colluding with former officials from the
al-Bashir regime’.
This brings
us back to the foiled coup-attempt that occurred just weeks ago. Again, the
putschists were linked to the former al-Bashir regime, and being the loyal
lackeys that they are, can naturally also be linked to Chinese
social-imperialism. We don’t know the extent of Chinese involvement in, and the
backing of, the conspiracy of the officials and generals of the old regime. The
intensity and frequency of the conspiracies, as well as the interests that are
at stake, can however give us a good indication.
The Coup d’État in Guinea and
the Country’s Significance for the Imperialists
Earlier the
same month, another coup-attempt took place on the other side of the content,
in Guinea. Contrary to the coup-attempt in Sudan, the coup in Guinea was
successful. Guinea’s Ministry of Defence reported at one point that the
incursion had been defeated, but soon after, photos emerged of President Alpha
Condé held captive by soldiers from the special forces.
The
initiators of the coup, first and foremost the Special Forces Group (GFS),
seized control of state television, and the protagonist of the coup, Colonel
Madamy Doumbouya revealed himself and announced to the country that
the government, the national assembly and the constitution had been dissolved, declaring
that a new government would eventually be formed.
Guinea, one
of the poorest countries in the world, has the world’s largest reserves of
bauxite –the globe’s primary source of aluminium. The former French colony is
believed to posses from one third to half of the world’s bauxite reserves and
hosts one of the world’s largest untapped iron ore deposits. This makes Guinea
of vital importance to the imperialists, and as follows the coup infused them
with fear and uncertainty.
Subsequently,
stock market prices for iron ore and bauxite rallied, reaching it’s highest
point in a decade. The various imperialists, including the Yankees, the French,
the Chinese, the British, as well as the EU and UN all rushed to condemn the
coup, and the imperialist mining companies demanded reassurance that their
mining interests be left untouched.
The Chinese
embassy in Guinea urged Chinese citizens to stay alert and keep indoors. The
Chinese government, who has close ties with the now ousted president Alpha
Condé, demanded his release. The embassy also required all Chinese companies
operating in the country to launch emergency plans and improve security
awareness.
After a
meeting between the ousted government officials and the putschists, Doumbouya
reassured the imperialists that the sea borders would stay open so that mining
products could be exported, and that the mining sector would be exempted from
the nation-wide curfew. As a result, the prices of bauxite and iron ore on the
stock market bounced back to normal.
The Rupture with Eco, the Imperialist Dream in West Africa
The Condé-led government
originally had close ties to the western imperialists, and the country was part
of the imperialist project “Communauté économique des États de
l’Afrique de l’Ouest” or “Economic Community of West African
States” abbreviated ECOWAS in English – a regional political,
economic, and military union in West Africa.
ECOWAS is mainly divided along
the classical colonial partitions, with most of the former French colonies as
well as former Portuguese Guinea-Bissau belonging to the French lackey
sub-union UEMOA (Union économique et monétaire ouest-africaine/The West
African Economic and Monetary Union) and the rest, mainly former British
colonies, making up the West African Monetary Zone (WAMZ).
The long-term
goal of ECOWAS is to integrate and fuse these two sub-organizations and to
introduce a single common currency called Eco. There has been plans to
introduce Eco for two decades now, but its issuing and development has had a
troublesome process.
Most of the
former French colonies use the currency West African CFA Franc, stemming
directly from colonial rule, which has a fixed exchange rate to the Euro and is
guaranteed by the French Treasury. Originally the plan was that Eco would be an
independent currency, but this wishful thinking on the part of some African
heads of states was quickly squashed, prompting complaints from some that the
French had hijacked the project.
On the 22nd
of December 2019, it was announced that Eco would replace the CFA Franc and
that it would, conveniently enough and not surprisingly, have a fixed exchange
rate with the Euro. On January 16th, 2020, however, five English-speaking
ECOWAS-countries; Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Ghana, Liberia and The Gambia, as well
as Guinea, announced their rejection of Eco.
A Change of Masters
In the case
of Guinea, this has to be seen as part of a larger trend, in a wider context of
development. In past decade, Guinea, like several other African countries, has
slipped more and more from the hands, the claws of the “western” imperialist
powers, and has been grasped by the claws of Chinese imperialism. In the case
of Guinea, this has meant the decline of the influence and domination of
principally French imperialism, but also Yankee, Spanish, Belgian and German
imperialism, among others.
In 2019,
Chinese goods amounted for 39% of Guinean imports, making China it’s main
import partner. Over the latter half of the past decade, China has quickly
risen to become the country’s principal export partner, with 35.5% of the
country’s exports going to China. In fact, Guinean bauxite is the source for
50% of China’s aluminium.
The chart
below shows the percentage of Guinea’s exports (2000-2019) to China, the
current principal imperialist of the country, France, the former principal
imperialist, and the US – the worlds sole hegemonic imperialist superpower.
Data gathered from The
Observatory of Economic Complexity (OEC).
A total of
14 Chinese state-owned and private companies are involved in the bauxite
businesses in Guinea, according to aluminium industry research firm Antaike.
Chinese companies have also invested heavily in the iron ore extraction in the
Simandou mountains.
On September 6th, 2017, China
granted Guinea a $20 billion loan over 20 years in exchange for bauxite
concessions. The loan guaranteed Chinese companies an alumina refinery, a
bauxite mine as well as other bauxite projects. The deal also stated that
Chinese firms will build multi-sector infrastructure, including road networks.
In February of this year, the Guinean and Chinese governments signed two
economic and technical deals, “writing off” Guinea’s $23
million debt.
On the 10th
of June 2020, a consortium owned by Chinese, Singaporean and French investors
obtained a 25-year concession, acquiring the mining rights to two blocks in the
north of Simandou worth $14 billion.
In 2020,
encouraged by Russian imperialists and supported by the Chinese, Condé enacted
a new constitution that changed the maximum term limit for the time he could
serve as president. This in turn ignited the masses and sparked fierce
protests, which the Condé regime responded to with bloodshed, killing many
protestors.
During Condés rule in the
latter years, the Russian imperialists were also given advantages in Guinea’s
mining sector. Among the Russian mining companies operating in Guinea are
Kindia Bauxite Company, the Dian-Dian Bauxite Company, Friguia complex and
Norgold.
A Good Dog Obeys Its Owner
It is in
this context as described above the coup d’état in Guinea must be understood.
The supposed
reasons for the coup, claimed by the putschists, is the regurgitated but true
accusation of corruption that all native big bourgeois are guilty of
at some level. The second supposed reason is Condés repression against the
masses, which in fact the putschists, being in the Special Forces Group (GFS),
had a leading role in.
Although our
knowledge of the reasons for the coup and how it was organized is limited, we
can see potential implications based on the background of its main protagonist:
Col. Doumbouya.
Doumbouya,
returned to Guinea in 2018 to lead the GFS. Until then he served as a mercenary
in the French Foreign Legion where he rose to the rank of master corporal. He
went to the French École de Guerre military academy, and he has a master’s
degree in Defence and Industrial Dynamics at Paris’s Pantheon-Assas University.
He has also received extensive military training in Israel, Senegal and Gabon.
Throughout
his career he has served the French imperialists well by fighting for them in
Afghanistan, the Ivory Coast, Djibouti and the Central African Republic, as
well as serving in close protection missions in Israel, Cyprus, the UK and
Guinea.
In an article by Guinean newspaper Friaguinée, critical to both Condé and Doumbouya, they raised questions on the immense
wealth of Doumbouya:
“Taking
advantage of his position and the privileges attached to it, he has now become
the owner of an important real estate heritage. In Conakry, he has a
three-storey building in Landreah … an eleven-storey building … a building in
Kankan, a villa being finished in Dubreka. These goods were acquired in such a
short period of time that one can get an idea of the extent of the race for
illicit enrichment … How could this officer who receives a monthly salary of
less than five million [] manage all these buildings?” (Our translation)
The same article, published
roughly two weeks before the coup, also describes Doumbouya falling out of
favour with Condé. Although little is known about this, Friaguinée reports on
Doumbouya being placed under what seems like house arrest in the town of Forécariah
and under surveillance by Directorate of Territorial Surveillance (DST) and
General Intelligence. If this is the case, this could indicate that Doumbouya
was acting of his own volition in carrying out the coup, as a result of
greed-based internal contention in the comprador faction.
France
initially condemned the coup in Guinea, but whether this will change, and what
implications the coup will have for French and Chinese imperialism in Guinea,
time will soon reveal. But so far throughout his life, Doumbouya has been a
loyal mercenary and lackey of the French imperialists, whom he has received
extensive military training from.
A
well-trained dog obeys its owner. It doesn’t bite the hand that feeds it.
Considering Doumbouya’s record, it’s highly likely that the junta will cater to
the interests of French imperialism, however one can never know for sure with
mercenaries and compradors.
After
international pressure, especially from ECOWAS, the Doumbouya junta gave into
the demands of initiating a transition to a “civilian government”. A ceremony
was held where Doumbouya was sworn in as Transitional President. The majority
of foreign diplomats based in Guinea attended the ceremony. Although the
Doumbouya-led coup ousted a loyal Chinese lackey, representatives of Chinese
imperialism also attended the ceremony. So did representatives of French and
Russian imperialism, among others.
The Chinese
and Russian imperialists are likely gauging the situation to see if the
Doumbouya-junta will turn away “eastern” imperialism in favour of “western”,
principally French imperialism – or if they will maintain the course of a
“classic semi-colony”, prostituting the country to the highest bidder, with
“equal opportunity” for all the imperialists. If, and as long as they can continue
their business as usual, the Chinese, like all other imperialists, are more
than willing to be “friends”.
Having
suspended Guineas membership following the coup, all the ECOWAS-countries
boycotted the ceremony. Representatives from Mali did however attend. Mali was
suspended from ECOWAS as well earlier this year, due to yet another coup.
The Context of the Coups in Mali
Mali, like
many of the countries in Africa, has been the scene of multiple coups
throughout the years. The coup in may is the third one in a decade, and the
second one in just a year. Mali is Africa’s 8th largest country by area, but is
the continent’s fourth largest producer of gold. In 2020, gold comprised 80% of
the country’s national exports. Mali is incredibly rich with natural resources,
and as follows, has been an epicentre of inter-imperialist contradictions.
In the past
two years, especially this year, the inter-imperialist contradictions have been
sharpening in Mali. Still, it is important to emphasize once again, that the
inter-imperialist contradiction always develops in collusion and struggle, and
that at this moment, collusion is the principle. The various imperialists in
collusion are pinning down the people of Mali while they are ruthlessly
exploiting them.
So intense
has the anti-imperialists mass struggles grown to become in Mali, that in order
to have some semblance of control over the masses while they exploit the
country, the imperialists have mobilized a multinational force of 13,289 U.N.
troops and 1,920 international police to keep the masses in check. The
multinational force consists of police and military personnel from 66 different
countries, including from various imperialists like the Yankees, Chinese,
Germans and British, as well as lackeys from various regimes. On top of that a
force of 5,100 French troops occupies the G5 Sahel region.
With Mali
and most of the other countries in the Sahel region being former French
colonies, French imperialism has maintained a strong presence there. The French
imperialists has in fact spearheaded the oppression of the masses in Mali
through the imperialist war of aggression that began under the name “Operation
Serval”, which continued under the name “Operation Barkhane” and expanded to
encompass and subjugate the masses in other former French colonies in the
Sahel, specifically Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Niger and Chad.
The French Imperialist War of Aggression in the Sahel region
Burdened by
the heavy weight of the three mountains oppressing them, namely imperialism,
bureaucratic capitalism and semi-feudalism, the hatred of the masses in Mali
against the regime grew. This culminated in 2012, as multiple groups initiated
armed struggle against the rotten regime. This would be the start of a civil
war that still goes on till this day.
The
initiating groups were in large part comprised by various ethnic minorities,
like the Tuareg people, who comprise the majority of the National
Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), and other groups who
fought or are fighting for the self-determination of an area they call Azawad.
Also engaged in the armed struggle were various ethnic minority-dominated
Islamist groups.
The various
organisations carrying out armed struggle unified and advanced rapidly. In a
short time span, the rebels seized large swaths of land from
the comprador and country-selling regime, and very soon
controlled two-thirds of the country. As the advance of the rebels
started to become a threat to the capital, French imperialism – the country’s
principal imperialist – initiated a war of aggression on Mali on January 11th
2013 through “Operation Serval”, shifting the principal contradiction in the
country from masses-feudalism to nation-imperialism. The various other
imperialists chimed in by committing to a multinational force of U.N. troops to
keep the masses in check.
Here we
refer to what Chairman Mao wrote on such situations, in On
Contradiction:
“In such a case, foreign imperialism
and internal reaction are placed, without the slightest concealment, at one
pole, and the broad masses of the people are grouped together at the other, and
thus the main contradiction is formed, which determines or influences the
development of the other contradictions.”
The alliance
of the various original rebel groups would however start to break up, as
inter-ethnic contradictions were further antagonized. The French imperialists
are no strangers to the colonial tactic of divide and conquer, like can be seen
perhaps most explicitly in the Rwandan genocide, although in fact all of
colonial history is a history of pitting different ethnic groups against each
other, whipped up by the colonialists. This is a manifestation of the
general tactic of the reaction of pitting masses against masses.
The Islamist
armed groups and the MNLA would become enemies, and the leadership of the MNLA
would capitulate and become running dogs for French imperialism, fighting
alongside French and Malian government troops. While the various rebel groups
split multiple times, the war of aggression only served to increase the combative
spirit of the masses tenfold, as new groups were formed, resulting in a myriad
of different rebel groups.
The
imperialist war of aggression fuelled the flames. The masses took to arms not
only in Mali, but also in neighbouring Niger and Burkina Faso. The region
became a prairie fire, turning the Sahel hotter than the Sahara for the
imperialists. In attempts to quell the spread and rise of the armed struggle,
the French imperialists expanded their war of aggression to encompass the
broader region and so “Operation Serval” was replaced with “Operation
Barkhane”.
The deep
masses are permeated from head to toe, imbued to the bones, to the heart, with
hatred for imperialism. They are throwing themselves into combat. They are
rushing to get their hands on arms so that they can make a flaming hell for the
imperialists and their lackeys. The problem is that we are not there to lead
them, and so just like what was the case in Afghanistan, the struggle of the
masses is being fought under reactionary banners. The just struggle of the
masses is being misled and they will eventually be betrayed by reactionaries,
as long as it does not have the leadership of the Communist Party. This is due
to our transitory shortcomings. But we have the ongoing people’s wars, which
despite their problems and difficulties are a beacon and guide for the
struggles of the peoples of the world. What we need is for them to develop
further so that they express their full transformative force not only in their
own countries but internationally. This, together with the new people’s wars,
which are in the midst of being born in the midst of labour pains, will have a
decisive influence on the development of the subjective conditions of the new
democratic revolution in Africa, in and as part of the world proletarian
revolution. Once again the law laid down by Chairman Mao that the victorious
development of the revolution in one country or more will serve as a powerful
impetus for the development of the subjective conditions in the different countries
of the world, mainly the constitution/reconstitution of the Communist Party,
will be fulfilled. This is what the renegade and treacherous rats of the
revisionist and capitulationist ROL, headed by Miriam, in Peru, the
revisionists like Avakian and Prachandra and all sorts of incorrigible
rightists deny. The development of the subjective conditions of the revolution
also as the objective situation or development of the revolutionary situation,
like all material processes, also takes place in conformity with the law of
uneven development.
Several of
these armed groups, the “Islamists”, have committed massacres against
civilians. In many cases, this is a result of the tense inter-ethnic divides
that are so prevalent in the former colonies, in the oppressed nations. In
2020, an estimated 2,440 civilians were killed in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger.
That year, in Mali, the regime were responsible for more civilian deaths than
the Islamist groups.
A Great Victory for the Masses – A Bitter Defeat for French Imperialism
The
anti-imperialist sentiment only grew and grew among the masses, and in the
beginning of 2020, there were huge protests against French imperialism. “Many
Malians believe that the Western presence has no other purpose than the
exploitation of raw materials” said Boubacar Salif Traore, the general director
of Malian consulting firm Afriglob. French president Macron summoned his
lackeys in the G5 Sahel and demanded that they deal with the mass protests
against the French imperialist war of aggression, threatening the withdrawal of
French troops.
The regimes
of the landlord-bureaucratic state in service of imperialism, in this case
mainly French imperialism, have little to no base. The regime in Mali would
succumb to the armed struggle of the masses if not for the imperialist troops
occupying the country. The big bourgeoisie knows this very well.
Although the French did not want to leave the region, they know full well that
these lackeys only care for their own power and wealth, their own position, and
that they would therefore take such a threat seriously. Later that year,
however, the French sent even more troops to the region, prompting even more
protests.
In the
period from 2015-2020, armed actions doubled every single year in the Sahel. As
the armed struggle of the masses grows increasingly as a response to the
imperialist war of aggression, it consumes increasingly more of the imperialist
troops and resources. Just like Afghanistan, Sahel became a quicksand for the
imperialists. The Yankees, who the French occupational force depends on for
intelligence and logistics, has been considering a drawdown of their forces in
the Sahel.
In June of
this year, the French imperialists announced a drawdown of their forces in
Mali, saying that their presence is “no longer adapted to the needs in the
area.” They announced their plan to reduce their troops stationed in the
country from 5,100 to 2,500-3,000 by the first quarter of 2022, and to shut
down their military bases in Timbuktu, Tessalit and Kidal.
Make no
mistake, this marks a defeat for French imperialism in particular and for
imperialism in general. Let this be yet another sign that underscores the fact
that we are living in the strategic offensive of the proletarian world
revolution, that we are living in the era where imperialism is in its last,
rotting and dying phase. We see again and again that the imperialist wars of
aggression, fails to achieve the foothold that they once did, and instead
becomes quicksand for the imperialists, consuming more and more of their
forces, engulfing their war of aggression in the flames of resistance.
But French
imperialism is by no means withdrawing from the region. Instead this marks a
tactical retreat. The French imperialists intend to relocate the bulk of their
forces deployed in the region to the border area where Mali, Burkina Faso and
Niger meet. The French intend to continue their operations in the region, but
in the form of low-intensity warfare and the training of the armies of the
landlord-bureaucratic states in service of imperialism. The French imperialists
have also made plans to establish a French-led European force to support the
armies of its semi-colonies of the G5 Sahel, and are trying to get the Yankees
and the other European imperialists countries to play a bigger role. This is
the context in which the coups in Mali must be understood.
The 2020 Coup d’État
In the summer of 2020, the
wave of protests grew and was more firmly directed against
the government of Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, a loyal lackey of French
imperialism. Capitalizing on the anti-regime sentiment among the masses, riding
the wave, like in Sudan, like in Guinea – a group of putschists saw their
chance and seized the opportunity.
On August 18th 2020, soldiers
stormed a military base in the town of Kati and seized control of the armoury.
Soon after, tanks, armoured vehicles and military trucks rushed to the capital.
There the putschists seized control of government buildings and arrested
president Keïta as well as a handful of other ministers. The borders were
closed and a night-time curfew was imposed as the putschists announced
the country in a TV broadcast.
Both the
French and Yankee imperialists were quick to condemn the coup. The African
Union suspended Mali’s membership, and the Yankees and the EU suspended
training of the Malian army. ECOWAS condemned the coup and shut down the member
states’ borders with Mali. In addition, the French lackey ECOWAS sub-union
UEMOA blocked Mali from using the CFA Franc. With CFA Franc being the currency
of Mali, this essentially stranded Mali from international trade, illustrating
the choke-hold France has on its former colonies through the CFA Franc.
The leaders
of the coup were:
Colonel Malick
Diaw, the deputy commander of the Kati military base. According to some
reports, he was the logistical leader of the coup. Shortly before the coup he
returned from Russia after having spent a year there while attending the Higher
Military College in Moscow.
Colonel Sadio
Camara, former head of Mali’s military academy. Together with Assimi Goïta,
he is believed to be the organizational leader of the coup. He has received
training at the École militaire interarmes in France. Camara also attended the
Higher Military College in Moscow for a year before the coup, together with
Malick Diaw.
Colonel Assimi
Goïta, one of the principal leaders of the coup. Goïta has throughout his
career received military training from various imperialists including the
Russian, French, German and Yankee imperialists. In 2018 he attended the same
Yankee-led military training programme in Burkina Faso as Doumbouya – the coup
leader in Guinea.
In addition
to the principal leaders of the coup, multiple of the other members of the
junta had received military training in Russia. The Prime Minister the
putschists would later appoint, Choguel Maïga, said it himself that “Many
military and civilian experts were trained in Russia”. After the coup, the
putschists initiated a strengthening of diplomatic ties with the Russian
imperialists, and in turn, Russia has been supplying the Malian army with
military equipment.
ECOWAS
pressured the junta to initiate a transition from military to “civilian rule”.
An interim government was appointed, consisting of 121 ministers of which only
22 were from the army. The transitional period was expected to be completed in
March 2022. A group of 17 electors appointed Bah Ndaw as President, and Goïta
as Vice President.
The Various Factions of the Native Big Bourgeoisie as Avatars of
the Imperialists in the Internal Power Struggle
During his
career Ndaw, a retired army officer, has served as Deputy Chief of Staff of the
Malian National Guard. In 2003 he became the Chief of Staff of the Malian Air
Force. When he was young soldier, in 1974, he was sent to the
social-imperialist Soviet Union to receive helicopter training. In 1994 he
graduated from the École de Guerre military academy in France – the same
Guinea’s Doumbouya attended.
Ndaw
previously served as Minister of Defence from 2015-2015 in the former French
lackey regime of Keïta. During his time in office he signed a major “defence
agreement” with France. When sworn in as interim President he pledged to uphold
previously made international agreements.
ECOWAS
proclaimed their support for Bah Ndaw as they put forward the ultimatum that
they would only lift the embargo they had imposed against Mali if a “civilian
Prime Minister” was appointed by Ndaw. Considering which imperialist the
majority of the ECOWAS-states are lackeys of, their eager and firm support for
Ndaw should come as no surprise.
Moctar Ouane
was appointed as Prime Minister by Ndaw, as announced on Malian state
television on 27 September 2020. Ouane has a long career as a lackey with close
ties to western imperialism. He was Mali’s Permanent Representative to the
United Nations from 1995 to 2002, during which he serves as President of the UN
Security Council in September 2000 and December 2001. He served as Minister of
Foreign Affairs from 2004 to 2011 under the government of Amadou Toumani Touré.
During this time, French imperialism had a strong military presence in the
country through French-led joint military exercises and the training of
officers at the “Peacekeeping School”. He also worked several years for UEMOA.
On May 24
this year, president Ndaw initiated a cabinet reshuffle without consulting vice
president Goïta. In the reshuffle some of Goïta’s loyal ministers were removed
from their position, including Minister of Defence and coup-leader Camara. On
the afternoon that same day, several sources, including the Yankee embassy,
reported an increase in military activity in the country. In the evening Ndaw
and Ouane were detained and taken to Kati military base, after which they were
placed in house arrest.
The relations
with French imperialism, which had already deteriorated since the 2020-coup,
now deteriorated even further. The French imperialists, the Yankees, the UN and
ECOWAS immediately condemned the coup, with ECOWAS suspending Mali. The French
imperialists suspended all “joint military operations” but resumed them a month
later. Shortly after however, the end of Operation Barkhane was announced.
A week after the coup, a
cabinet had been appointed by Goïta with Camara reinstated as Minister of
Defence. The cabinet also included several other new
ministers, including Shogel Kokalla Maïga as Prime Minister. Maïga studied in
Russia and speaks Russian. In a recent interview with Russian state-owned news
agency RIA Novosti regarding arms deals and international relations,
Maïga paid lip service to Russian imperialism:
“If we want weapons from a number of
states, but they block, blackmail, interfere in our internal affairs, it means
we will cooperate with a country that does not blackmail, does not interfere in
our internal affairs, respects our sovereignty, respects our people. Today we
can say that Russia is a reliable partner that we can reckon with.” (Our
translation)
Russian Imperialism and the Wagner Group
In
September, reports surfaced claiming that the government in Mali was engaged in
discussions with Russian imperialist mercenary Wagner Group over
a possible military deal. The spokesperson for the Ministry of Defence did not
deny the reports but said “We haven’t signed anything with Wagner, but we are
talking with everyone”, while according to Reuters, they are very close to a
deal.
The Wagner
Group is a so-called Private Military Company (PMC) with close ties to the
Russian state. It is running the errands of Russian imperialism and has been
involved in Libya, Syria, Ukraine, Mozambique, Venezuela, Madagascar, Sudan,
Chad and the Central African Republic (CAR).
According to
some sources, the deal would pay Wagner Group around $10.8 million a month for
around a thousand mercenaries to train the Malian military and provide
protection for senior officials. The Russian imperialists have already signed
military agreements with several Sahelian countries. It is becoming clear that
Russian imperialism is filling cracks in the sphere of influence of French
imperialism.
ECOWAS and
the French, Yankee, British and German imperialists all strongly condemn the
deal. Yankee and French imperialist officials tried to dissuade the Malian
government from moving forward with the deal for weeks.
It is
becoming clearer and clearer that the Malian state is run by a certain breed of
lackey dogs – a faction of the native big bourgeoisie loyal to
Russian imperialism. If the same intervention model used by Wagner in the CAR
was to be applied, the specified mandate would not prevent Wagner mercenaries
from directly engaging against the armed struggle of the masses alongside
Malian soldiers. In the CAR, the Russian imperialists are given control of
important mining deposits in turn for ensuring the survival of the regime led
by President Faustin-Archange Touadera.
Exploiting
the opportunity the defeat of Operation Barkhane brings, these unscrupulous
quislings are inviting Russian imperialism to intervene in the country to save
their own skin from the armed struggle, the wrath of the masses oppressed by
the three mountains. They are exploiting this opportunity to prostitute their
country to Russian imperialism, in turn for personal enrichment.
Coordination of Azawad Movements (CMA), a coalition of the “rebels” who
capitulated and became running dogs for French imperialism, has now suddenly
had their “rebellious spirit” awoken again as they pledge to take up arms again
if the Malian state makes a deal with the Wagner Group.
According to
another interview with RIA Novosti, Prime Minister Maïga claims French
troops have occupied an enclave in Kidal where Malian troops are forbidden to
enter. Maïga claims that the French imperialists have been using the enclave
for the training of “terrorists”. Although faced with a defeat, French
imperialism has clearly not given up on Mali.
The
contradiction between lackeys of French imperialism and lackeys of Russian
imperialism is a contradiction that has manifested not only in Mali, but also
in Chad, where as previously mentioned – the Wagner group has played a role.
This precise contradiction is a determining factor in the events that led to
the coup that took place in Chad this year.
Wagner, the Coup in Chad, and imperialist nepotism
On the election day in Chad,
April 11th this year, armed group Front for Change and Concord in Chad (FACT)
attacked a border post of the Chadian army. This would mark the start of a
month-long struggle between FACT and the Chadian state, as the group embarked
on an offensive throughout Chad, heading for the capital N’Djamena.
A March 2021 report by the
United Nations claimed that FACT was based in the Al Jufra military base in
Libya, which is also used by the Wagner Group, who supposedly also trained the
“rebels”.
At this time Idriss Déby, a
loyal lackey of French imperialism was President of the country. Idriss was a
former military officer, and during the offensive of the “rebels”, he commanded
troops on the frontline, during which he was killed. His son, Mahmat Déby – an
army general, immediately initiated a coup by disbanding the parliament, to
secure his place as his father’s successor.
Chad is situated in the centre
of the Sahel region and as follows is an important strategic base for French
imperialism to maintain domination in the region. As follows, French
imperialism cannot tolerate a power vacuum in the country, especially during a
civil war. The French imperialists, who the Déby-dynasty has close ties with,
quickly realized that Mahmat’s coup was convenient for them as they sought to
secure and maintain their established presence in the country. Subsequently,
the French imperialists were quick to recognize the putschist government
admitting it was “necessary for security” amid “exceptional circumstances”.
It should come as no surprise
that contrary to what they did with regards to Mali, ECOWAS did not condemn the
coup – illustrating their seemingly ambivalent and hypocratic attitude. It
becomes obvious that they are not concerned with democratic principles, but
rather that they are just lackeys being lackeys.
During the funeral of Idriss
Déby, French President Emmanuel Macron was the only “western” leader to attend
his funeral, as he sat in the front row next to Idriss’ son Mahmat. Right
after, Mahmat was discretely received at the Elysée Palace.
In Synthesis
Bureaucratic
capitalism, the capitalism which imperialism develops in its colonies and
semi-colonies, gives rise to unscrupulous governments of the various groups
into which one or another faction of the native big bourgeoisie is divided
according to its imperialist master, who without a shred of shame prostitute
their land, their nation and their people to one or more imperialist powers.
The various factions of the big bourgeoisie, be it the bureaucratic or
comprador bourgeoisie, are impregnated with greed that is never satisfied, and
as it follows they often fight each other like dogs for the prey thrown to them
by their imperialist masters. This results in multiple coups and civil wars
that are initiated of their own volition. This is part of bureaucratic capitalism:
the fundamental fragility of so-called political stability in the oppressed
countries. As often as these events come back to bite them, the imperialists
use and initiate them as a means of indirect intervention to settle the feud
among themselves over the spoils that are those oppressed countries.
We see that
the oppressed nations are the battleground of the imperialists as they bargain
for spheres of influence. Thus they express two contradictions:
nation-imperialism and the inter-imperialist contradiction.
Imperialism
always exists in collusion and struggle, and at the moment we are in a time
when collusion is the main thing. But the struggle is absolute and the
bargaining for spheres of influence takes place through indirect interventions
and in others through direct intervention or occupation. Instead of the direct
confrontation for the division of the world through direct war between the
imperialists until the imperialist world war – which characterises the moment
when the struggle becomes the main aspect between collusion and struggle.
We see
Russian imperialism and Chinese social-imperialism, mainly Chinese
social-imperialism, advancing in Africa. We see that Chinese social-imperialism
is exploiting the cracks of the hegemony of the US imperialism, the single
hegemonic superpower. We see Russian imperialism advancing in the Sahel region,
exploiting the cracks in the sphere of influence of French imperialism, an
imperialist power, but not a superpower.
We defend
the successes of the masses in the Sahel, aware that this is a struggle waged
under reactionary banners, but nevertheless, they are part of the process of
the world proletarian revolution. But, the masses need the leadership of the
Communist Party and are clamouring for it, as long as they do not have the
leadership of a genuine Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Party, the masses
will be orphans and their struggle can never result in a real victory of the
new democratic revolution underway, they need to be guided by
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism. We rejoice at the defeat of French
imperialism in the Sahel, mainly in Mali, while being very vigilant and firmly
opposed to the advances of Russian imperialism, and we have no illusions about
the reduction of French troops in the region.
But we
celebrate this victory of the masses in Mali, in the Sahel, as we did with the
victory of the masses in Afghanistan, because this shows us something very
important. It shows us that instead of succeeding in establishing a solid
foothold in the oppressed nations through their imperialist wars of aggression,
the oppressed nations become quicksand for the imperialists, consuming more and
more of their troops and resources as they get caught up in a rising tide of
masses taking up arms against imperialism, this drives the development of the
objective situation in the world and contributes to the development of the
subjective forces on a world level and must be and is being for the very
development of the subjective forces of revolution in each of these countries
on the African continent. The people’s wars in Peru, India, the Philippines and
Turkey need to develop further, which, together with the new people’s wars that
will take place in any case, will be responsible for showing these masses the
full transformative power of Maoism and the invincibility of people’s war.
The series
of wars of aggression and the other interventions of imperialism on the
continent is a characteristic of the collapse of imperialism, it is part of the
complex series of wars of all kinds of the collapse of imperialism. It is a
symptom of the strategic defensiveness of imperialism and world reaction, it
shows that imperialism is in its last and rotten phase, rotten to the core.
Like a balance, the correlation of forces is shifting in our favour, and the
strategic defensive of imperialism necessarily means the strategic offensive of
the world proletarian revolution.
We see that
the masses are fighting. Their fighting spirit is getting higher and higher. We
see that the Third World is the centre of the storm of revolution, that the
masses oppressed by the three mountains – imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism
and semi-feudalism – are fighting fiercely. As proclaimed in the Programme of
Struggle against Imperialism (Peking Review, 25 May 1971): “Countries want
independence, nations want liberation and peoples want revolution; this has
become an irresistible historical trend“.
We live in
what Chairman Mao defined as the last 50 to 100 years where imperialism and
world reaction will be wiped off the face of the earth once and for all. Where
the paper tigers will be turned to ashes by the mighty prairie fire of
revolution and people’s war, until the new dawn of shining communism. At this
moment, our task, our duty as communists, is to unite with the national
liberation movement in the Third World and place the red banner of Maoism at
the helm of the proletarian world revolution. Today we are working for the successful
realisation of the Unified Maoist International Conference and the birth of the
New International Organisation of the Proletariat.
Sources:
The Socialist
Transformation of the National Economy in China published by Foreign Language
Press, Beijing 1960, cited from What is bureaucratic capitalism?
by the Communist Party of Peru
Sudan Tribune,
April 4th 2016: Ex-Sudanese president kept money in offshore firm:
document
Sino-Sudan
relation: Mutually beneficial or neo-colonialism by Liu Hui
Technological
Change and Skill Development in Sudan by Samia Mohamed Nour.
South China
Morning Post: China, Sudan and the oil debt distress straining a
decades-long partnership
https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/07/07/france-military-leaving-west-africa-colonialism-macron/
UN report: https://undocs.org/S/2021/229
CMA take up arms again:
https://www.theafricareport.com/132045/mali-the-cma-has-taken-up-arms-against-russian-mercenaries/
Blocked CFA Franc Chokehold https://www.rfi.fr/en/africa/20200827-mali-s-central-bank-stranded-outside-international-financial-system-after-coup-keita
“Many Malians believe that the Western presence has no other purpose than
the exploitation of raw materials” https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/9/21/talk-wagner-mercenary-deal-shines-light-mali-power-politics
Peacekeeping School, etc.
https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/french-military-africa
Ndaw sign deal
https://web.archive.org/web/20200922090550/https://afrique.latribune.fr/politique/2020-09-21/mali-qui-est-bah-ndaw-le-president-de-transition-857787.html
Armed struggle in Sahel doubling every year
https://africacenter.org/publication/responding-rise-violent-extremism-sahel/
Fourth largest producer of gold: https://www.trade.gov/country-commercial-guides/mali-mining
Yankee drawdown
https://www.voanews.com/a/extremism-watch_us-eyes-drawdown-violence-rattles-sahel-region/6183273.html
“Many military and civilian experts were trained in Russia”
https://newsghana.com.gh/mali-refutes-media-reports-about-russian-instructors/