IS DONALD TRUMP
SEEKING TO “DISMANTALIZE USAID” OR ITS METAMORPHOSIS?
PRESENTATION:
The United
States Agency for International Development (USA-AID) is the evolution of the
supposed technical assistance program that Truman outlined in point IV, when
under the cover of that economic assistance and collaboration an efficient
mechanism of penetration, intervention and control was organized.
All the
American espionage institutions work together and in agreement with the
USA-IAD. Its acts of intervention in Latin America and the Third World are
sufficiently registered since the beginning of the 1960s.
With the
experience accumulated in the use of the judiciary in the political struggle
between factions in the country itself, the Agency extends its intervention
programs to the judicial and auxiliary system of Third World countries, that
is, to the judiciary, public ministry, judicial police, etc., to provoke
political changes favorable to its interests in our countries. This explains
the prevalence of CIA agents attached to the zanqui PD.
How does
the Agency act in this new field of occupation? First, as an advisory and
support agency for “judicial reform,” then as advisory institutes for
governments on legislation, and later, as programs to fight corruption and
transparency; to complete the picture, Yankee imperialism, most notoriously
since the 1990s, uses the big media (promoting “investigative journalism”), the
so-called “social media” and “social organizations,” as they themselves say in
modest language, to: “Monitor the political institutions (of our countries) and
generate information to bring about social change and better functioning of
their community.” Added to this are the foundations of members of the financial
oligarchy such as Soros. Some of the institutions that make up this framework
are mentioned when, as an example, we cite cases such as Peru.
Therefore,
we maintain that: “the plans of the Donald Trump government to dismantle USAID”
do not have that purpose, but rather a metamorphosis of this efficient
mechanism of imperialist intervention in our countries under the cover of
“aid,” that is, for espionage, penetration, and control, amidst the development
of its internal contradictions that corrode it.
The decrees
of the Donald Trump government that establish the norms to implement the
dismissals of personnel from “development aid” institutions such as AID and
large-scale administration, whose implementation has been entrusted to the
Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), which Musk directs, are part of his
government plan for a greater absolute centralization of State Power in his
hands, as presidential absolutism, as a representative of the faction of the
financial oligarchy of Yankee imperialism, which represents the Republican
Party.
To conclude
this summary or presentation of this new installment of our notes, we quote
Cathryn Clüver Ashbrook, an American political scientist, advisor to the German
government on US policy and transatlantic relations, who shows her closeness to
the Democratic Party, of Trump's "general construction plan" for his
second term, she said: Project 2025 plans to "restructure the system"
for the survival of the Republican Party, strengthen the power of the executive
branch and undermine the separation of powers (in the CAREN MIOSGA program,
Sunday, November 3, 2024 at 9:45 p.m. on German TV Das Erste).
IS DONALD TRUMP LOOKING TO “DISMANTLE USAID” OR
ITS METAMORPHOSIS?
We assume
that the Agency is vital to the interests of American imperialism, so we think
that the plans of the new government of Yankee imperialism are aimed at
evolving this Agency in accordance with its plans for all intelligence agencies
and services within its government plan known as “Project 2025” to which the
Yankee political scientist refers. Here, we address the issue of AID, raising
some general questions that allow us to continue dealing with the nature of the
measures of the new government of Yankee imperialism. We irrefutably document
the character of AID and its joint work with all the espionage and intervention
services of Yankee imperialism, as one of the tentacles of the imperialist octopus.
We start
with the brief information that gives an account of the matter at hand:
On February
7, 2025, it was reported from Washington:
“The Donald
Trump administration's plans to dismantle USAID are advancing rapidly,
generating controversy among international aid advocates and political sectors.
The start
of the week for USAID employees was complicated, since the central offices in
Washington had closed, so they had to work from home.
The next
day, a notice on the website notified them that they would enter a leave of
absence situation starting Friday. Those employees with a contract will see
their employment relationship terminated, while those assigned abroad will be
repatriated within a month.
USAID,
which until now had more than 10,000 employees worldwide, will suffer a drastic
cut, leaving only 294 officials, according to reports from the American media.
This staff cutback is added to the cuts to its projects, after two weeks ago
the White House ordered the suspension of almost all foreign aid from the
United States. Added to this are the statements of the multimillionaire Elon
Musk, head of the entity in charge of reducing expenses and bureaucracy, who
said that “the time has come for USAID to die.”
The few
officials who remain on the payroll will be accompanied by an undetermined
number of local employees in the approximately 130 countries where the agency
operated. USAID, the largest cooperation agency in the world, annually
disbursed nearly 44 billion dollars in projects ranging from humanitarian aid
to the fight against human trafficking.”
We add that
today's newspapers are dealing with Trump's latest decree, on facilities for
the dismissal of public employees, the measure to dismiss AID staff was blocked
by a court, which forces the president to appeal to Congress.
On the
dismissal of officials from the bureaucratic apparatus, agencies and
intelligence services who come from the PD. Some of them will surely be replaced
by officials from the PR. The party structure and electoral base of the PD is
made up of bourgeois feminists, “minorities” and a “staff circle” made up of
so-called “knowledge workers”, white-collar employees, engineers, scientists,
experts and analysts, who work in technology companies, universities,
consulting firms and banks as computer screen workers. They make up the main
staff of the high state bureaucracy and spy agencies and are a large part of
the staff of the so-called “development aid”.
Under the
discourse of “de-bureaucratization” Trump and the representatives of the
Republican Party (PR) try to conceal the real content of the struggle, that is,
for the control of the highest bureaucratic instances and their main
apparatuses such as the judiciary, intelligence services, government agencies
and control of the so-called non-governmental organizations (NGOs).
Displacement of those not loyal to the president, that is, members or those
related to the PD. Key to this whole process is the control of judges, from the
Supreme Court to the state level, etc. This has been an arena of contention
since the 1960s.
The PR says that since the 1930s the “liberals” have controlled the federal government, the universities, the press and the judicial bodies, so a “conservative revolution” must achieve control of these institutions or find alternatives or, even more practically, to achieve the former one must begin with the latter. The Republicans have focused their interest in controlling the judicial courts at different levels since the last four decades of the last century until the present. Because they say that they win the elections, but the Democratic Party (DP) wins in the judicial bodies. This has led to a bitter dispute over the change in the composition of the judiciary. The above leads to the dispute for the control of higher education, to impose the content and orientation of the thinking of the faculty of law, which has been expressed as the struggle between "conservatives" supporters of "Originalism" who support the interpretation of rights and freedoms according to the thinking of the "founding fathers" of the "rights of the individual", that is, of the Philadelphia Convention of 1787, on the one hand, and the so-called "liberals" supporters of the legal interpretation according to the "right of persons" or "equality of rights", who since the 90s, respond to the post-modern theories of "identity", "gender", "origin", etc., on the other. The originalists founded the Federalist Society in the law schools of the universities of Chicago and Yale.The judges appointed by Rigan, G. H.W. Bush, George W. Bush and Donald Trump belonged to that society and were proposed by it. The members of the courts up to the Supreme Court appointed by Clinton, Obama and Biden are well-known representatives of the reactionary tendency called the “liberals”, at the service of the other faction. This situation in the superstructure of imperialism is important to take into account, to understand how some of the measures of the government of the genocidal Trump are blocked by some judges. As we have said, each president tries to appoint judges to the Supreme Court, according to his own orientation, as part of the absolute centralization of Power in the president, since Republican periods alternate with Democratic periods in the White House and as a majority of legislative chambers.
We mention the above, so that it is understood what is happening these days, where some state judges have temporarily blocked the execution of presidential decrees. That is what is happening in the case at hand with USAID, where a judge has blocked the dismissal of thousands of members of this agency.
THE TRUE FACE OF AID
We will now
define the role of this international “aid” agency of the United States
Department of State (USAID):
All US
espionage institutions work together and in agreement with the United States
Agency for International Development. Its acts of intervention in Latin America
have been sufficiently recorded since the beginning of the 1960s. To document
what we are saying, we quote the following report:
Manuel
Hevia Cosculluela, Passport 11333, Eight Years with the CIA, Havana, 1975, the
author remained infiltrated among the members of the American Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA), who operated in Uruguay from 1962 to 1971.
AUTHOR'S NOTE (January 1975)
(…)
I do not intend in these pages to attempt a study of imperialism. I only briefly describe some of its methods. That is why it may have seemed that by eliminating the CIA, the FBI, the AID and other instruments of penetration, we have solved the underlying problem. These are merely the tentacles of the octopus. And it has a very wide range of resources.
(...)
ENTRY TO THE LABYRINTH AND THE CIA CARLYBACK
RIDE
(…)
I had not
been able to penetrate the Yankee network, nor even identify my contacts. They
used me without me being able to neutralize you.
It was a
very hard time and, finally, thanks to the efforts of Micale, who despite
having fallen into disgrace maintained his friendship with Saenz, he entrusted
me with some translations for the AID mission. (…) That is how I entered the
labyrinth. It was something.
From the
AID I began to have a broader vision of American interference. This was not
very difficult. I had worked in governmental, political and economic circles,
or rather, behind the scenes of such circles, where the makeup and the glare of
the limelight do not fool anyone.
My
relationships included figures from both traditional parties. I knew the way
Jorge Batlle and his group operated, as well as the mechanism surrounding the
coup attempts. I knew national advisors, ministers, senators, mayors, police
chiefs.
(…) In this
sense, the various functions I performed with the Americans helped me greatly.
Their entire intelligence apparatus is rigorously compartmentalized, but since
I occupied different compartments, I was able to have a broad vision of the set
of Yankee activities in Uruguay, their methods of penetration and the way they
use conscious or involuntary allies. My previous experience with the CIA in Cuba
and the United States did not fail to help me.
I will
later discuss the penetration of the police forces.
As far as
the media and the people I had met up to that point are concerned, the CIA
operates in a different way. It is interested in analysis and evaluations. When
I began to do confidential translations after two years, a good part of the
material to be processed was made up of reports of this type relating to
newspaper companies, the trade union movement, students, the Church, parties,
etc. A considerable number concerned psychological analyses of public figures
and their relatives. All these evaluations were evidently made by Uruguayans or
people who had been living in the country for a long time.
(…) The
Americans have a mechanism that allows them to intervene directly in Uruguayan
affairs. They also control all the intelligence services and large sectors of
the police. They complement this with an information network, which records
everything from state secrets to the extramarital affairs of a minister, a
director or the wife of a deputy. At the same time, they have a system of
checking and counter-checking to verify information and monitor their own
sources. It is like a merry-go-round where the horse behind watches the one in
front and the one in front watches the one in front. Above all, controlling the
merry-go-round, are the facades of the CIA and the Political Section of the
embassy.
(…)
THE SPIDER WEB
It is worth
pausing for a brief description of the American embassy and its collateral
organs (…) In 1966 the ambassador was Henry Hoyt. He was replaced by the first
secretary John L. Topping.
There are
three main sections of the embassy: the Political, the Economic and the
Administrative. Each is headed by a secretary with diplomatic rank.
We will
refer to the Political in detail later.
The
Economic Section was responsible for everything related to Uruguay's financial
affairs; the Administrative Section, for all internal movements and the
provision of services, although later it assimilated all the administrative
services of other departments such as AID and USIS (United States Information
Service).
In addition
to these sections, there are the offices of the attachés, which depend directly
on the ambassador or Chargé d'Affaires. These are: Press, Cultural, Labor,
Agricultural, Military, Air and Economic.
The
difference between an attaché and a member of a mission is that the former has
a well-defined diplomatic rank, and the latter, although he enjoys immunity and
diplomatic prerogatives, is considered an advisor: an advisor belonging to the
structures of the organizations of the country in which he is accredited.
This is a
subtle difference, more formal than real, used in order not to hurt feelings.
Theoretically, it is assumed that it is not the same for the United States
military attaché to be installed - giving orders - in a base of the Uruguayan
Armed Forces, than for a member of the North American military mission to be
installed - as it really happens. The latter is not a diplomat, but an advisor.
"Practically a Uruguayan military man," the Yankees claim modestly.
There are
entities that, although theoretically autonomous, revolve around the embassy.
This is the case of the Uruguay-United States Cultural Alliance (and its
Artigas library - Washington). Although registered in the country as a public
corporation and with Uruguayan legal personality, the Alliance is supervised by
the cultural attaché, as well as the agents that the CIA places directly.
The
Economic Mission is the representation of the Agency for International
Development (AID). It had its offices (…) At that time its director was Frank
Steward, a politician from the state of New Mexico who had been rewarded with
this position by Lyndon Johnson for his electoral loyalty. It was structured in
five divisions: Education, Agriculture, Finance, Programming and Public Safety.
(We must remember that AID is the evolution of the supposed technical assistance
program that Truman outlined in his point IV, when under the cover of this
economic assistance and collaboration an efficient penetration mechanism was
organized).
Of the five
divisions, the Public Safety division is the most recent creation. For a long
time, Washington had tried to “place” missions among the police forces of Latin
American, African and Asian countries, but the objectives were too obvious. The
military missions had already provoked many protests and complaints.
When this
division was established within the AID, it was hoped that the interference
would go unnoticed, at least at first. An additional advantage was that,
generally, the agreement with the AID was approved by the parliament as a
whole, without specifications on the items covered by the technical assistance.
Such was the case in Uruguay. The AID operated for a time with only four
divisions. Eventually, Public Security made its appearance.
The
appearance of this new division did not fail to cause certain internal
friction. Most of the AID technicians come from university backgrounds. Among
them, the omnipotence of the Yankee intelligence bodies is more concealed. One
in every few would be a direct agent of the CIA, but the others consider
themselves technicians or professionals, although the majority is aware that
the data they collect will ultimately end up in the archives of the Agency or
the National Security Council of the United States.
On the
contrary, the personnel of the Public Safety Division are recruited, in the
main, from the FBI and the various municipal and state police forces. They are
policemen, they do not hide it nor could they do so. And the other officials
somewhat underestimate them, repeating once again the “fig leaf” scheme.
(…)
The Public
Safety Division (which we all knew as “the mission”) had two offices: the
nominal one, together with the other divisions, in the AID building; and the
real one on the first floor of the Montevideo Police Headquarters (…) At the
head of “the mission” was Adolph B. Saenz (…) He had been in the Marines, later
being a police officer in his home state – New Mexico – and, later, in Los
Angeles, California. There he was recruited by the FBI. When the Public Safety
Division was organized in the AID, he became part of its ranks.”
Another report on the Agency says:
Canadian
journalist Jean Guy Allard sums up the role of USAID: "Under its supposed
humanitarian role, USAID participates in the search for information, the
propagation of false news, subversion, the recruitment of agents, the creation
of opposition groups and mercenaries, coups d'état and a whole series of tasks
aimed at developing, extending and supporting the interference activities of
the imperial power in Latin America."
Allard
indicated that USAID intervenes in the internal affairs of our countries under
the guise of humanitarian aid, with the support of non-governmental
organizations such as Reporters Without Borders, Human Right Watch and the
Inter-American Press Association.
"They
are all part of a system of espionage maintained by Washington, which operates
through kidnappings, murders, conspiracies of all kinds, assassinations, secret
missions and attacks in the Latin American region"
Note from
Caracas.- In Peru there is a network of people supported by USAID, directly and
indirectly, through projects or intermediary organizations, among them: Manuela
Ramos, Foro Salud, IDL, Justicia Viva, Proyecto Participa Perú, etc.
Cecilia
Blondet is a USAID consultant. Incredibly, this lady is leading the election of
the new Comptroller General of the Republic (see: Candidates for Comptroller
General: they pass through the wrong filter). (http://www.abn.info.ve).
AS AN EXAMPLE OF THE AGENCY'S ACTIVITY IN PERU
To confirm
the information on the intervention, penetration and control activities of
Yankee imperialism in Peru, we include a press release from USAID itself where
its activity is reported:
“MSI Worldwide
Management Systems Internationa
Combating
Corruption in Peru
MSI is
implementing the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Anticorruption
Threshold Program in Peru.
The MCC
Anticorruption Threshold Program is helping the Government of Peru (GOP) combat
public corruption by improving administrative systems and procedures,
strengthening enforcement, and increasing public awareness about corruption.
The ambitious, multi-faceted activities are being funded by MCC and
administered by USAID.
In its first two
years, over 1,800 media and civil society representatives, as well as judges,
government officials and lawyers have taken part in trainings on the mechanisms
available for citizens to combat corruption. Dissemination campaigns were also
implemented in coordination with these workshops to promote the Judiciary’s
anticorruption initiatives among the general public and inform citizens about
the positive role they can play in fighting corruption.
he program is
developed around a framework based on the existence of three “drivers” of
corruption:
Lack of awareness
about the problem;
Weak enforcement
due to inefficient controls, investigation and sanction mechanisms; and
Opportunities
that exist for corruption due to inefficient government processes and limited
access to information.
Using this
framework, four public offices selected by the government participate: the
Judiciary, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Office of the Comptroller
General and the Ombudsman Office. Complementary activities have been added with
the National Council of Magistrates and the Prosecutor General’s Office.
The program is
helping Peru to combat corruption by improving internal controls within the
Judiciary as well as the police force, while improving transparency of police
procedures. It is also helping to strengthen the capacity of offices in the
Public Ministry to investigate acts of corruption and supporting efforts by the
National Council of Magistrates to strengthen the disciplinary and selection
processes for judges.
(...)
The project aims
to promote the message that MCC and USAID are contributing to the government’s
efforts to combat corruption by strengthening institutional capabilities for
transparency and accountability.
Go to our
Practice Areas section to access more projects by category Intranet Copyright
2018 MSI-INC “
The other tentacle of the imperialist octopus:
IDL-Reporteros
The other
tentacle of the imperialist octopus for its intervention activities in Peru, as
already stated, is IDL, under the guise of investigative journalism. Let us
read how it is positioned without naming the agency, in its activity:
“In this context
of rampant corruption and growing distrust of the population in its
institutions, IDL-Reporteros was born on February 14, 2010, under the auspices
of the Institute of Legal Defense. With the same inspiration as its European or
American peers: To monitor the political institutions of Peru and generate
information to bring about social change and better functioning of its
community (Gorriti, IDL-Reporteros: A year hunting for the hidden, 2010).”
Another, from the same CIA agent:
The main obstacle
that IDL-Reporteros faces is its total dependence on a single source of
funding (Alves,
2011), the OSMP. To remedy this, Gustavo Gorriti conceived a very original
idea.
He has called it
Fair Advertising, a project similar to fair trade. In his
obsession with
finding sustainable alternatives, Gorriti is trying to create a global list of
companies
interested in
supporting investigative journalism. A referenced list, certified by
prestigious
institutions, to
which the different investigative journalism in Latin America can turn to
request financial
support. Gorriti launched this idea at the International Symposium on Online
Journalism, organized by the University of Texas, with the sponsorship of
AT&T and the Knight Center for Journalism in the Americas, on April 2,
2011.
Open Society.
(2010 October 25). Investigative Journalists Take on Peruvian Corruption.
Consulted 2011 July 21 Open Society Fundations:
http://www.soros.org/initiatives/lap/news/idl-reporteros-20101025