IS DONALD TRUMP SEEKING TO “DISMANTALIZE
USAID” OR ITS METAMORPHOSIS?
PRESENTATION:
The United States Agency for International Development (USA-AID) is the
evolution of the supposed technical assistance program that Truman outlined in
point IV, when under the cover of that economic assistance and collaboration an
efficient mechanism of penetration, intervention and control was organized.
All the American espionage institutions work together and in agreement with
the USA-IAD. Its acts of intervention in Latin America and the Third World are
sufficiently registered since the beginning of the 1960s.
With the experience accumulated in the use of the judiciary in the
political struggle between factions in the country itself, the Agency extends
its intervention programs to the judicial and auxiliary system of Third World
countries, that is, to the judiciary, public ministry, judicial police, etc.,
to provoke political changes favorable to its interests in our countries. This
explains the prevalence of CIA agents attached to the zanqui PD.
How does the Agency act in this new field of occupation? First, as an
advisory and support agency for “judicial reform,” then as advisory institutes
for governments on legislation, and later, as programs to fight corruption and
transparency; to complete the picture, Yankee imperialism, most notoriously
since the 1990s, uses the big media (promoting “investigative journalism”), the
so-called “social media” and “social organizations,” as they themselves say in
modest language, to: “Monitor the political institutions (of our countries) and
generate information to bring about social change and better functioning of
their community.” Added to this are the foundations of members of the financial
oligarchy such as Soros. Some of the institutions that make up this framework
are mentioned when, as an example, we cite cases such as Peru.
Therefore, we maintain that: “the plans of the Donald Trump government to
dismantle USAID” do not have that purpose, but rather a metamorphosis of this
efficient mechanism of imperialist intervention in our countries under the
cover of “aid,” that is, for espionage, penetration, and control, amidst the
development of its internal contradictions that corrode it.
The decrees of the Donald Trump government that establish the norms to
implement the dismissals of personnel from “development aid” institutions such
as AID and large-scale administration, whose implementation has been entrusted
to the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), which Musk directs, are part
of his government plan for a greater absolute centralization of State Power in
his hands, as presidential absolutism, as a representative of the faction of
the financial oligarchy of Yankee imperialism, which represents the Republican
Party.
To conclude this summary or presentation of this new installment of our
notes, we quote Cathryn Clüver Ashbrook, an American political scientist,
advisor to the German government on US policy and transatlantic relations, who
shows her closeness to the Democratic Party, of Trump's "general
construction plan" for his second term, she said: Project 2025 plans to
"restructure the system" for the survival of the Republican Party,
strengthen the power of the executive branch and undermine the separation of
powers (in the CAREN MIOSGA program, Sunday, November 3, 2024 at 9:45 p.m. on
German TV Das Erste).
IS DONALD TRUMP LOOKING TO “DISMANTLE USAID” OR ITS METAMORPHOSIS?
We assume that the Agency is vital to the interests of American
imperialism, so we think that the plans of the new government of Yankee
imperialism are aimed at evolving this Agency in accordance with its plans for
all intelligence agencies and services within its government plan known as
“Project 2025” to which the Yankee political scientist refers. Here, we address
the issue of AID, raising some general questions that allow us to continue
dealing with the nature of the measures of the new government of Yankee
imperialism. We irrefutably document the character of AID and its joint work
with all the espionage and intervention services of Yankee imperialism, as one
of the tentacles of the imperialist octopus.
We start with the brief information that gives an account of the matter at
hand:
On February 7, 2025, it was reported from Washington:
“The Donald Trump administration's plans to dismantle USAID are advancing
rapidly, generating controversy among international aid advocates and political
sectors.
The start of the week for USAID employees was complicated, since the
central offices in Washington had closed, so they had to work from home.
The next day, a notice on the website notified them that they would enter a
leave of absence situation starting Friday. Those employees with a contract
will see their employment relationship terminated, while those assigned abroad
will be repatriated within a month.
USAID, which until now had more than 10,000 employees worldwide, will
suffer a drastic cut, leaving only 294 officials, according to reports from the
American media. This staff cutback is added to the cuts to its projects, after
two weeks ago the White House ordered the suspension of almost all foreign aid
from the United States. Added to this are the statements of the
multimillionaire Elon Musk, head of the entity in charge of reducing expenses and
bureaucracy, who said that “the time has come for USAID to die.”
The few officials who remain on the payroll will be accompanied by an
undetermined number of local employees in the approximately 130 countries where
the agency operated. USAID, the largest cooperation agency in the world,
annually disbursed nearly 44 billion dollars in projects ranging from
humanitarian aid to the fight against human trafficking.”
We add that today's newspapers are dealing with Trump's latest decree, on
facilities for the dismissal of public employees, the measure to dismiss AID
staff was blocked by a court, which forces the president to appeal to Congress.
On the dismissal of officials from the bureaucratic apparatus, agencies and
intelligence services who come from the PD. Some of them will surely be
replaced by officials from the PR. The party structure and electoral base of
the PD is made up of bourgeois feminists, “minorities” and a “staff circle”
made up of so-called “knowledge workers”, white-collar employees, engineers,
scientists, experts and analysts, who work in technology companies,
universities, consulting firms and banks as computer screen workers. They make
up the main staff of the high state bureaucracy and spy agencies and are a
large part of the staff of the so-called “development aid”.
Under the discourse of “de-bureaucratization” Trump and the representatives
of the Republican Party (PR) try to conceal the real content of the struggle,
that is, for the control of the highest bureaucratic instances and their main
apparatuses such as the judiciary, intelligence services, government agencies
and control of the so-called non-governmental organizations (NGOs).
Displacement of those not loyal to the president, that is, members or those
related to the PD. Key to this whole process is the control of judges, from the
Supreme Court to the state level, etc. This has been an arena of contention
since the 1960s.
The PR says that since the 1930s the “liberals” have controlled the federal
government, the universities, the press and the judicial bodies, so a
“conservative revolution” must achieve control of these institutions or find
alternatives or, even more practically, to achieve the former one must begin
with the latter. The Republicans have focused their interest in controlling the
judicial courts at different levels since the last four decades of the last
century until the present. Because they say that they win the elections, but
the Democratic Party (DP) wins in the judicial bodies. This has led to a bitter
dispute over the change in the composition of the judiciary. The above leads to
the dispute for the control of higher education, to impose the content and
orientation of the thinking of the faculty of law, which has been expressed as
the struggle between "conservatives" supporters of
"Originalism" who support the interpretation of rights and freedoms
according to the thinking of the "founding fathers" of the
"rights of the individual", that is, of the Philadelphia Convention
of 1787, on the one hand, and the so-called "liberals" supporters of
the legal interpretation according to the "right of persons" or
"equality of rights", who since the 90s, respond to the post-modern
theories of "identity", "gender", "origin", etc.,
on the other. The originalists founded the Federalist Society in the law
schools of the universities of Chicago and Yale.The judges appointed by Rigan,
G. H.W. Bush, George W. Bush and Donald Trump belonged to that society and were
proposed by it. The members of the courts up to the Supreme Court appointed by
Clinton, Obama and Biden are well-known representatives of the reactionary
tendency called the “liberals”, at the service of the other faction. This
situation in the superstructure of imperialism is important to take into
account, to understand how some of the measures of the government of the
genocidal Trump are blocked by some judges. As we have said, each president
tries to appoint judges to the Supreme Court, according to his own orientation,
as part of the absolute centralization of Power in the president, since
Republican periods alternate with Democratic periods in the White House and as
a majority of legislative chambers.
We mention the above, so that it is understood what is happening these
days, where some state judges have temporarily blocked the execution of
presidential decrees. That is what is happening in the case at hand with USAID,
where a judge has blocked the dismissal of thousands of members of this agency.
THE TRUE FACE OF AID
We will now define the role of this international “aid” agency of the
United States Department of State (USAID):
All US espionage institutions work together and in agreement with the
United States Agency for International Development. Its acts of intervention in
Latin America have been sufficiently recorded since the beginning of the 1960s.
To document what we are saying, we quote the following report:
Manuel Hevia Cosculluela, Passport 11333, Eight Years with the CIA, Havana,
1975, the author remained infiltrated among the members of the American Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA), who operated in Uruguay from 1962 to 1971.
AUTHOR'S NOTE (January 1975)
(…)
I do not intend in these pages to attempt a study of imperialism. I only
briefly describe some of its methods. That is why it may have seemed that by
eliminating the CIA, the FBI, the AID and other instruments of penetration, we
have solved the underlying problem. These are merely the tentacles of the
octopus. And it has a very wide range of resources.
(...)
ENTRY TO THE LABYRINTH AND THE CIA CARLYBACK RIDE
(…)
I had not been able to penetrate the Yankee network, nor even identify my
contacts. They used me without me being able to neutralize you.
It was a very hard time and, finally, thanks to the efforts of Micale, who
despite having fallen into disgrace maintained his friendship with Saenz, he
entrusted me with some translations for the AID mission. (…) That is how I
entered the labyrinth. It was something.
From the AID I began to have a broader vision of American interference.
This was not very difficult. I had worked in governmental, political and
economic circles, or rather, behind the scenes of such circles, where the
makeup and the glare of the limelight do not fool anyone.
My relationships included figures from both traditional parties. I knew the
way Jorge Batlle and his group operated, as well as the mechanism surrounding
the coup attempts. I knew national advisors, ministers, senators, mayors,
police chiefs.
(…) In this sense, the various functions I performed with the Americans
helped me greatly. Their entire intelligence apparatus is rigorously
compartmentalized, but since I occupied different compartments, I was able to
have a broad vision of the set of Yankee activities in Uruguay, their methods
of penetration and the way they use conscious or involuntary allies. My
previous experience with the CIA in Cuba and the United States did not fail to
help me.
I will later discuss the penetration of the police forces.
As far as the media and the people I had met up to that point are
concerned, the CIA operates in a different way. It is interested in analysis
and evaluations. When I began to do confidential translations after two years,
a good part of the material to be processed was made up of reports of this type
relating to newspaper companies, the trade union movement, students, the
Church, parties, etc. A considerable number concerned psychological analyses of
public figures and their relatives. All these evaluations were evidently made
by Uruguayans or people who had been living in the country for a long time.
(…) The Americans have a mechanism that allows them to intervene directly
in Uruguayan affairs. They also control all the intelligence services and large
sectors of the police. They complement this with an information network, which
records everything from state secrets to the extramarital affairs of a
minister, a director or the wife of a deputy. At the same time, they have a
system of checking and counter-checking to verify information and monitor their
own sources. It is like a merry-go-round where the horse behind watches the one
in front and the one in front watches the one in front. Above all, controlling
the merry-go-round, are the facades of the CIA and the Political Section of the
embassy.
(…)
THE SPIDER WEB
It is worth pausing for a brief description of the American embassy and its
collateral organs (…) In 1966 the ambassador was Henry Hoyt. He was replaced by
the first secretary John L. Topping.
There are three main sections of the embassy: the Political, the Economic
and the Administrative. Each is headed by a secretary with diplomatic rank.
We will refer to the Political in detail later.
The Economic Section was responsible for everything related to Uruguay's
financial affairs; the Administrative Section, for all internal movements and
the provision of services, although later it assimilated all the administrative
services of other departments such as AID and USIS (United States Information
Service).
In addition to these sections, there are the offices of the attachés, which
depend directly on the ambassador or Chargé d'Affaires. These are: Press,
Cultural, Labor, Agricultural, Military, Air and Economic.
The difference between an attaché and a member of a mission is that the
former has a well-defined diplomatic rank, and the latter, although he enjoys
immunity and diplomatic prerogatives, is considered an advisor: an advisor
belonging to the structures of the organizations of the country in which he is
accredited.
This is a subtle difference, more formal than real, used in order not to
hurt feelings. Theoretically, it is assumed that it is not the same for the
United States military attaché to be installed - giving orders - in a base of
the Uruguayan Armed Forces, than for a member of the North American military
mission to be installed - as it really happens. The latter is not a diplomat,
but an advisor. "Practically a Uruguayan military man," the Yankees
claim modestly.
There are entities that, although theoretically autonomous, revolve around
the embassy. This is the case of the Uruguay-United States Cultural Alliance
(and its Artigas library - Washington). Although registered in the country as a
public corporation and with Uruguayan legal personality, the Alliance is
supervised by the cultural attaché, as well as the agents that the CIA places directly.
The Economic Mission is the representation of the Agency for International
Development (AID). It had its offices (…) At that time its director was Frank
Steward, a politician from the state of New Mexico who had been rewarded with
this position by Lyndon Johnson for his electoral loyalty. It was structured in
five divisions: Education, Agriculture, Finance, Programming and Public Safety.
(We must remember that AID is the evolution of the supposed technical
assistance program that Truman outlined in his point IV, when under the cover
of this economic assistance and collaboration an efficient penetration
mechanism was organized).
Of the five divisions, the Public Safety division is the most recent
creation. For a long time, Washington had tried to “place” missions among the
police forces of Latin American, African and Asian countries, but the
objectives were too obvious. The military missions had already provoked many
protests and complaints.
When this division was established within the AID, it was hoped that the
interference would go unnoticed, at least at first. An additional advantage was
that, generally, the agreement with the AID was approved by the parliament as a
whole, without specifications on the items covered by the technical assistance.
Such was the case in Uruguay. The AID operated for a time with only four
divisions. Eventually, Public Security made its appearance.
The appearance of this new division did not fail to cause certain internal
friction. Most of the AID technicians come from university backgrounds. Among
them, the omnipotence of the Yankee intelligence bodies is more concealed. One
in every few would be a direct agent of the CIA, but the others consider
themselves technicians or professionals, although the majority is aware that the
data they collect will ultimately end up in the archives of the Agency or the
National Security Council of the United States.
On the contrary, the personnel of the Public Safety Division are recruited,
in the main, from the FBI and the various municipal and state police forces.
They are policemen, they do not hide it nor could they do so. And the other
officials somewhat underestimate them, repeating once again the “fig leaf”
scheme.
(…)
The Public Safety Division (which we all knew as “the mission”) had two
offices: the nominal one, together with the other divisions, in the AID
building; and the real one on the first floor of the Montevideo Police
Headquarters (…) At the head of “the mission” was Adolph B. Saenz (…) He had
been in the Marines, later being a police officer in his home state – New
Mexico – and, later, in Los Angeles, California. There he was recruited by the
FBI. When the Public Safety Division was organized in the AID, he became part
of its ranks.”
Another report on the Agency says:
Canadian journalist Jean Guy Allard sums up the role of USAID: "Under
its supposed humanitarian role, USAID participates in the search for
information, the propagation of false news, subversion, the recruitment of
agents, the creation of opposition groups and mercenaries, coups d'état and a
whole series of tasks aimed at developing, extending and supporting the
interference activities of the imperial power in Latin America."
Allard indicated that USAID intervenes in the internal affairs of our
countries under the guise of humanitarian aid, with the support of
non-governmental organizations such as Reporters Without Borders, Human Right
Watch and the Inter-American Press Association.
"They are all part of a system of espionage maintained by Washington,
which operates through kidnappings, murders, conspiracies of all kinds,
assassinations, secret missions and attacks in the Latin American region"
Note from Caracas.- In Peru there is a network of people supported by
USAID, directly and indirectly, through projects or intermediary organizations,
among them: Manuela Ramos, Foro Salud, IDL, Justicia Viva, Proyecto Participa
Perú, etc.
Cecilia Blondet is a USAID consultant. Incredibly, this lady is leading the
election of the new Comptroller General of the Republic (see: Candidates for
Comptroller General: they pass through the wrong filter).
(http://www.abn.info.ve).
AS AN EXAMPLE OF THE AGENCY'S ACTIVITY IN PERU
To confirm the information on the intervention, penetration and control
activities of Yankee imperialism in Peru, we include a press release from USAID
itself where its activity is reported:
“MSI Worldwide
Management Systems Internationa
Combating Corruption in Peru
MSI is implementing the Millennium Challenge
Corporation (MCC) Anticorruption Threshold Program in Peru.
The MCC Anticorruption Threshold Program is helping
the Government of Peru (GOP) combat public corruption by improving
administrative systems and procedures, strengthening enforcement, and
increasing public awareness about corruption. The ambitious, multi-faceted
activities are being funded by MCC and administered by USAID.
In its first two years, over 1,800 media and civil
society representatives, as well as judges, government officials and lawyers
have taken part in trainings on the mechanisms available for citizens to combat
corruption. Dissemination campaigns were also implemented in coordination with these
workshops to promote the Judiciary’s anticorruption initiatives among the
general public and inform citizens about the positive role they can play in
fighting corruption.
he program is developed around a framework based on
the existence of three “drivers” of corruption:
Lack of awareness about the problem;
Weak enforcement due to inefficient controls,
investigation and sanction mechanisms; and
Opportunities that exist for corruption due to
inefficient government processes and limited access to information.
Using this framework, four public offices selected by
the government participate: the Judiciary, the Ministry of Internal Affairs,
the Office of the Comptroller General and the Ombudsman Office. Complementary
activities have been added with the National Council of Magistrates and the
Prosecutor General’s Office.
The program is helping Peru to combat corruption by
improving internal controls within the Judiciary as well as the police force,
while improving transparency of police procedures. It is also helping to
strengthen the capacity of offices in the Public Ministry to investigate acts
of corruption and supporting efforts by the National Council of Magistrates to
strengthen the disciplinary and selection processes for judges.
(...)
The project aims to promote the message that MCC and
USAID are contributing to the government’s efforts to combat corruption by
strengthening institutional capabilities for transparency and accountability.
Go to our Practice Areas section to access more
projects by category Intranet Copyright 2018 MSI-INC “
The other tentacle of the imperialist octopus:
IDL-Reporteros
The other tentacle of the imperialist octopus for its
intervention activities in Peru, as already stated, is IDL, under the guise of
investigative journalism. Let us read how it is positioned without naming the
agency, in its activity:
“In this context of rampant corruption and growing
distrust of the population in its institutions, IDL-Reporteros was born on
February 14, 2010, under the auspices of the Institute of Legal Defense. With
the same inspiration as its European or American peers: To monitor the
political institutions of Peru and generate information to bring about social
change and better functioning of its community (Gorriti, IDL-Reporteros: A year
hunting for the hidden, 2010).”
Another, from the same CIA agent:
The main obstacle that IDL-Reporteros faces is its
total dependence on a single source of
funding (Alves, 2011), the OSMP. To remedy this,
Gustavo Gorriti conceived a very original idea.
He has called it Fair Advertising, a project similar
to fair trade. In his
obsession with finding sustainable alternatives,
Gorriti is trying to create a global list of companies
interested in supporting investigative journalism. A
referenced list, certified by prestigious
institutions, to which the different investigative
journalism in Latin America can turn to
request financial support. Gorriti launched this idea
at the International Symposium on Online Journalism, organized by the
University of Texas, with the sponsorship of AT&T and the Knight Center for
Journalism in the Americas, on April 2, 2011.
Open Society. (2010 October 25). Investigative
Journalists Take on Peruvian Corruption. Consulted 2011 July 21 Open Society
Fundations: http://www.soros.org/initiatives/lap/news/idl-reporteros-20101025
Requejo, J. L. (2010 August). How is investigative
journalism financed in the United States? Consulted 2010 October 15 Sala de
Prensa.org: http://saladeprensa.org/art1030